O Hamas aprovou a demanda palestina de ingresso na Corte Penal Internacional.
Hamas has dismissed the document released by the Israeli army suggesting it is deliberately using the cover of residential areas for combat operations as 'fake', saying Israel was attempting to justify its ongoing assault on Gaza that has killed women and children.
Hamas denied putting its civilians at risk by storing and firing weapons from built-up areas, and called the document a forgery intended to justify Israeli attacks that have killed hundreds of children, women and other non-combatants.
Hamas spokesman Sami Abu Zuhri said, "this is a fabricated paper and neither Hamas nor Qassam has anything to do with it. Israel circulating this is aimed at justifying the mass killings of Palestinian civilians and massacres committed by the occupation army."
Unlike other Hamas documents, the page bears no Hamas logo. It looks more like a forgery.
The Israeli army said the training manual was found in the northern Gaza town of Beit Hanoun at the end of July, when troops were operating inside the enclave.
An Israeli army spokesman would provide no further details about the document, only to say that the army was "extremely confident it is a Hamas training manual".
The IDF said it carried out 35 air strikes over the Gaza Strip today and that around 30 rockets and mortar rounds hit Israel, with another three intercepted.
Tow mosques were destroyed in the Khan Yunis area of southern Gaza and a third int he Shati refugee camp was bombed again.
The deadliest air strike levelled a home in Al-Zawayda in central Gaza, killing a couple, their sons aged three and four and a 45-year-old aunt.
The President of the Palestinian National Authority Mahmoud Abbas met with Hamas leader Khaled Meshaal in Qatar on Thursday, Friday and afterwards he urged resumption of talks in Cairo "to avoid more "casualties and sacrifices". On Saturday he went to Egypt to meet the dictator Sissi , and on the evening Abbas met for talks with senior officials of the Arab League. And Egyptian Foreign Minister urged Israel and Hamas to resume indirect talks and agree to an open-ended cease-fire.
Israel destroyed more than 25 per cent of the Gaza Strip.
But Binymain Netanyahu does not want to stop the slaughtering. He said Operation Defensive Edge "will continue until goals are reached". The monster has not had its fill yet.
A IDF disse que bombardeou a Faixa 35 vezes e que foi atacada com 30 foguetes e morteiros, três interceptados.
O ataque mais violento de hoje foi em al-Zawayda no centro de Gaza, matando um casal e os filhos de três e quatro anos e uma tia de 45.
Israel já destruiu mais de 25 por cento da Faixa de Gaza.
Mahmoud Abbas conversou com Khaled Meshaal em Doha e no sábado à tarde encontrou o ditador egípcio Sissi e à noite teve uma reunião com representantes da Liga Árabe no Cairo. O Ministro das Relações Exteriores do Egito instou Israel e Hamas a retomar as discussões indiretas e a concordar com um cessar-fogo imediato.
Porém, Binyamin Netanyahu não está disposto a para o massacre. Disse que a Operação Defensive Edge "vai continuar até ele alcançar seus objetivos". O monstro ainda está farto sangue nem de carnificina.
Ao publicar a retribuição à traição desses 18 homens, Hamas mandou uma mensagem dissuasiva a outros comptriotas que se encontram na mesma posição: Pense duas vezes antes de trair porque você pode (quase com certeza) ser pego e perder sua vida. Quase com certeza porque eles foram denunciados por outros gazauís indignados com a colaboração com o inimigo que não para de matá-los e destruir suas casas e cidades.
A notícia ontem chegou junto com a da morte de mais 31 palestinos, inclusive crianças, o que aumenta o número de perdas a 2.102 (mais de 70% de civis, segundo a ONU) em 47 dias da Operação Protective Edge. Cerca de 550 crianças.
E ontem morreu uma criança do outro lado da fronteira em que os gazauís são presos. O que aumenta o número de mortos israelenses a 68: 64 soldados (5 por fogo amigo) e 4 civis, dentre eles esta criança cuja morte Binyamin Netanyahu prometeu vingar com uma retaliação brava - como se tudo o que tivesse feito até agora em Gaza fosse light. E o Primeiro Ministro sanguinário cumpriu a promessa. Desde a madrugada os F16 vêm semeando morte e destruição ao longo da Faixa sem parar.
Esta criança que vale mais do que tantas crianças palestinas é o único israelense morto de menos de 18 anos. E um adulto civil foi ferido por um foguete em Ashdod.
Journeyman Pictures: Spy or Die (8')
sobre os informantes palestinos
The news of the execution came at the same moment that we learned about another 31 Palestinian deaths including children. Raising the overall death toll on the Palestinian side to 2,102 (the UN says more than 70% were civilians) in 47 days of Operation Protective Edge. Including around 550 children.
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| Amir, de 6 anos, em estado crítico, foi autorizado a receber tratamento no exterior. Amir al-Reqeb, 6 years-old Palestinian severely wounded, will receive treatment abroad |
The child whose life worths so many Palestinian children lives is the only Israeli under 20 killed in the conflict. And a civilian was injured by a rocket in Ashdod.
There are more than 10 thousand Palestinians injured. Many of them are severely wounded. Most of them are children. And today we will certainly here of many more, considering the savagery of the attacks that began at dawn.
Chris Hedges at Princeton for Palestine Rally, August 2014
The engineersof Zionist hasbara (the Hebrew word for "propaganda") pushed back, redoubling their efforts in well-orchestrated PR campaigns that tried to reframe their genocidal war with typically hackneyed talking points. Israeli PR pressure even forced some celebrities, who had posted on Twitter both against the senseless genocide in Gaza and for recognising the humanity of Palestinians, to retract their Twitter posts.
However, the hasbara apparatus of the Israeli apartheid state failed to concoct myths and rhetorical games creative enough to whitewash their disproportionate use of force and war crimes. Their psyops tactics were largely ineffective, even in Tel Aviv, pushing them to desperate measures, including censoring the media.
'Resistance is futile'
Hasbara engineershave therefore resorted to three main strategies to deal with the political fallout from the Gaza genocide. First, they desperately launched blackmail campaigns that attempted to conflate the irrational fear and hatred of Jews (anti-Semitism), which is unacceptable, with the legitimate critique of the apartheid Israeli state (anti-Zionism).
Linking any criticism of the Israeli genocidal policies to anti-Semitism has become an issue of contention for a growing number people around the world who clearly reject such extortion. Even the Hamas leadership has jumped on the issue, making it clear that "We do not actually fight the Jews because they are Jews, per se. We do not fight any other races. We fight the occupiers."
Underlying this international solidarity with the Palestinian is the increasing worldwide awareness of Israel's fake victimisation posturing. Palestinians are fighting a colonial occupier who has been represented in the annals of European history as the "ultimate victim". Zionists have adopted the absurd claim that every Jew is born a victim, repackaging genocide in the rhetoric of "self-defence". More and more people, however, realise that the Israeli apartheid state's policy of ethnic cleansing in Palestine and violating Palestinian rights at a massive scale since the Nakba of 1948 is far from "self-defence".
To paraphrase the Slovenian philosopher Slavoj Zizek, it is almost impossible for Palestinians to resist their Zionist colonial occupiers without being demonised and branded as anti-Semitic.
Forced false choices
he genocidal war on Gaza has made it evident that, especially in the West, a split exists between the political elite on the one hand, and civil society and the international solidarity movement on the other. Undoubtedly, criticism did come, though maybe a little late, from Israel's closest allies. There were even a few cases of defection from the ranks of their political elites (most notably the UK minister Baroness Warsi), with some even heeding Amnesty International's call for an arms embargo against Israel and for Israel's human rights violations to be referred to the Internationl Criminal Court. Indeed, Palestine has for the first time become a bone of contention in the domestic politics of some Western countries.
In general, however, those in the corridors of power remain largely entrapped within the dominant narrative that the apartheid Israeli state peddles to justify the carnage in Gaza. Many world leaders, including United States President Barack Obama and UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon, have toed the hasbara line in their defence of Israel's genocidal war.
At the same time, outrage at Israel's actions was most visible at the grass-root level. Indeed, larger numbers of young people have been reported to attend these rallies, protests, and demonstrations in support of Gaza. Recent polls also indicate that younger Americans are growing increasingly critical of Israel's apartheid policies in Palestine. The younger generation is increasingly dissatisfied with their governments' complicity in the perpetuation of Israeli war crimes.
The diversity of solidarity
Finally, hasbara engineershave tried to dismiss and demonise this groundswell of international solidarity with Palestinians by presenting it as an exclusively Muslim cause. Rallies in support of Palestine have always been diverse gatherings of people of all faiths and ethnicities. Condemnation of Israeli crimes has come from all around the world, including from Israeli intellectuals, international political figures and prominent academics. Even Israeli citizens have mobilised against the war in Gaza, against the hostile current of the majority.
Most importantly, this hasbara contention conveniently ignores the deafening silence and clear standoffish position of many Muslim and Arab states on the Gaza genocide. In fact, the overwhelmingly Catholic Latin America has been at the forefront of international condemnation of Israel's actions. Many Latin American countries vehemently denounced the Israeli genocidal war in Gaza; some have suspended their economic cooperation with Israel and others, like Chile and Brazil, have recalled their ambassadors from Tel Aviv.
The outpouring of international solidarity for Palestine has clearly transcended the confines of identity politics and geography. It has emphasised that Palestinian lives are no less valuable than Israeli lives and that the international human rights regime should apply to both equally.
Indeed, as appalling as it sounds, dominant Zionist hasbara narratives have tried to criminalise the humanity of Palestinians, making it controversial to even acknowledge it and mourn their deaths. As Bayan Abu Sneineh states, "Not only are Palestinian bodies dehumanised, but they are also cast off as unreal. ... Their lives are not livable and their deaths are not grievable. If Palestinian lives are not seen as lives, then are their deaths even considered real deaths?"
But this time, Israel's hasbara apparatus has clearly underestimated the extent to which global outrage at the Israeli genocide in Gaza has catapulted the Palestinian issue back to the centre of the global political stage. As long as the international solidarity movement insists on this commitment to the humanity and the human rights of the Palestinians, on the desire to ease the suffering of the oppressed, state hasbara will fail in its effort to delegitimise the grievances of the Palestinians".
Dr Jamil Khader, is Dean of Research and Professor of English at Bethlehem University, Palestine. He is the author of numerous articles on postcolonial feminism, popular culture, and literary theory. He is also the author of Cartographies of Transnationalism in Postcolonial Feminisms: Geography, Culture, Identity, Politics (Lexingto Books 2012) and the co-editor, with Molly Rothenberg, of a collection of essays on the Slovenian philosopher Slavoj Zizek, entitled, Zizek Now: Current Perspectives in Zizek Studies (Polity 2013).
Uri Avnery expõe quem e o porquê da quebra do cessar-fogo.
Uri Avnery exposes why and who really broke the ceasefire.
Norman Finkelstein at Princeton for Palestine Rally, August 2014
Uri Avnery expõe quem e o porquê da quebra do cessar-fogo.
Uri Avnery exposes why and who really broke the ceasefire.
And then suddenly, the war came back.
What happened? Well, Hamas launched rockets against Beersheba in the middle of the ceasefire.
Why? No why. You know how the terrorists are. Bloodthirsty. They can't help it. Just like scorpions.
But it is not so simple.
The Cairo talks were near success, or so it seemed. But Binyamin Netanyahu was in trouble. He hid the Egyptian draft agreement for a long ceasefire even from his cabinet colleagues. They learned about it only from the media, which disclosed it from Palestinian sources.
Apparently, the draft said that the blockade would be greatly relaxed, if not officially ended. Talks about the building of a port and airport were to start within a month.
What? What did Israel get out of this? After all the shooting and killing, with 64 Israeli soldiers dead, after all the grandiose speeches about our resounding victory, was that all? No wonder Netanyahu tried to hide the document.
The Israeli delegation was called home without signing. The exasperated Egyptian mediators got another 24 hour extension of the ceasefire. It was to expire at midnight on Tuesday, but everybody on both sides expected it to be extended again and again. And then it happened.
At about 16.00 hours, three rockets were fired at Beersheba and fell into open spaces. No warning sirens. Curiously enough, Hamas denied having launched them, and no other Palestinian organization took responsibility. This was strange. After every previous launching from Gaza, some Palestinian organization has always proudly claimed credit.
As usual, Israeli airplanes promptly started to retaliate and bombed buildings in the Gaza Strip. As usual, rockets rained down on Israel. (I heard the interceptions in Tel Aviv).
Business as usual? Not quite.
First it became known that an hour before the rockets came in, the Israeli population near Gaza was warned by the army to prepare their shelters and "safe spaces".
Then it appeared that the first Gaza building hit belonged to the family of a Hamas military commander. Three people were killed, among them a baby and his mother.
And then the news spread: It was the family of Mohammed Deif, the commander of the Izz al-Din al-Qassam Brigades, the military wing of Hamas. (Qassam was a Palestinian hero, the first rebel against British rule in Palestine in the 1930s. He was hunted down and killed by the British.) Among those killed this Tuesday were Deif's wife and baby son. But it seems that Deif himself was not there.
That in itself is no wonder. Deif has survived at least four attempts to assassinate him. He has lost an eye and several limbs, but always came out alive.
All around him, his successive commanders, political and military peers and subordinates, dozens of them, have been assassinated throughout the years. But he has led a charmed life.
Now he heads the Israeli hit list, the most wanted and hunted Palestinian activist. He is the N° 1 "Son of Death", a rather religious appellation used in Israel for those marked for assassination.
Like most inhabitants of the Gaza Strip, Deif is a child of refugees from Israel. His family comes from the village Kawkaba, now in Israel, not far from Gaza. I passed through it in the 1948 war, before it was razed to the ground.
For the Israeli Security Service, he is a prize for which it is well worth breaking the ceasefire and reigniting the war.
For many security agencies around the world, including the American and the Russian, assassination is a sport and an art.
Israel claims to hold the gold medal.
An assassination is a complicated operation. It requires a lot of time, expertise, patience and luck. The operators have to recruit informers near the victim, install electronic devices, obtain precise information about his every movement, execute their design within minutes once the opportunity presents itself.
Because of this, there is no time for confirmation from above. Perhaps the Security Service (usually called Shin Bet) got permission from Netanyahu, its sole political chief, perhaps not.
They obviously were informed that Deif was visiting his family. That was a golden opportunity. For months, indeed for years, Deif has been living underground, in the literal sense – somewhere in the maze of tunnels his men had dug beneath the Strip. He was never sighted.
Since the beginning of this war, all the other prominent Hamas leaders have also been living under the ground. From Ismail Haniyeh down, not one of them has been seen. The unlimited command of the air by Israeli planes and drones makes this advisable. Hamas has no anti-air weapons.
It seems to me highly unlikely that Deif would risk his life by visiting his family. But Shin Bet obviously got a lead and believed it. The three strange rockets fired on Beersheba provided the pretext for breaking the ceasefire, and so the war started again.
Real aficionados of the art of assassination are not very interested in the political or military consequences of their actions. “Art for art's sake”.
A propos, the last Gaza war, two years ago, started the same way. The Israeli army assassinated the de-facto al-Qassam leader, Ahmed Jaabari. The ensuing war with its many hundreds of dead was just collateral damage.
Jaabari was at the time filling in for Deif, who was convalescing in Cairo.
All this is, of course, much too complicated for American and European diplomats. They like simple stories.
The White House immediately reacted to the resumption of hostilities by condemning the Hamas launching of rockets and reaffirming that "Israel has a right to defend itself". The Western media parroted this line.
For Netanyahu, whether he knew in advance of the assassination attempt or not, it was a way out of a dilemma. He was in the unfortunate position of many leaders in history who start a war and do not know how to get out of it.
In a war, a leader makes grandiloquent speeches, promises victory and bountiful achievements. These promises seldom come true. (If they do, like in Versailles 1919, that may be even worse.)
Netanyahu is a gifted marketing man, if nothing else. He promised a lot, and the people believed him and gave him a 77% rating. The Egyptian draft proposal for a permanent ceasefire, though markedly pro-Israel, fell far short of a victory for Israel. It only confirmed that the war ended in a draw. Netanyahu's own cabinet was rebellious, public opinion was souring perceptibly. The resumption of the war got him out of this hole.
But what now?
Bombing the Gaza population draws more and more criticism from world public opinion. It also has lost its appeal in Israel. The maxim "Let's bomb them until they stop hating us" obviously does not work.
The alternative is to enter the Gaza Strip and occupy it completely, so that even Deif and his men have to come up to the surface to be assassinated. But that is a dangerous proposition.
When I was a soldier in the 1948 war, we were taught never to get into a situation which leaves the enemy no way out. In such a case, he will fight to the end, causing many casualties.
There is no way out of the Gaza Strip. If the Israeli army is sent to conquer the entire Strip, the fighting will be ferocious, causing hundreds of Israeli and thousands of Palestinian dead and injured, and untold destruction. The Prime Minister will be one of the political victims.
Netanyahu is fully aware of that. He doesn't want it. But what else can he do? One can almost pity the man.
He can of course, order the army to occupy only parts of the Strip, a village here, a town there. But that will also spread death and destruction, to no manifest gain. In the end, public discontent will be the same.
Hamas threatened this week to open "the gates of hell" for us. This hardly affects the inhabitants of Tel Aviv, but for the villages and towns near Gaza this is really hell. Casualties are few, but fear is devastating. Families with children leave en masse. When calm returns, they try to go home, but then the next rockets drive them away again.
Their plight evokes a very strong emotional response throughout the country. No politician can ignore it. Least of all the Prime Minister. He needs to end the war. He also needs a clear image of victory. But how to achieve this?
The Egyptian dictator tries to help. So does Barack Obama, though he is furious with Netanyahu and hates his guts. So does Mahmoud Abbas, who is afraid of a Hamas victory.
But as of now, the man who has the final decision is the Son of Death, Mohammed Deif, if he is alive and kicking. If not, his successor.
If he is alive, the assassination of his wife and baby son may not have made him gentler and more peaceable".
Uri Avnery. 23/08/2014
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