sábado, 11 de setembro de 2021

Reality check on 9/11 and Brutal Imperial-colonization of Palestine

As the Palestinian Political escaped prisoners fight for their life and their freedom, we shall take a trip to their occupied country once again. But first, let's have a different view of 9/11 on RT's Going Underground.
 
John Pilger on Afghanistan and 9/11
9/11 1973, Coup d'Etat in chile, sponsored by USA's CIA
 

On a short distance trip from Ramallah invited me to drive with him to Bethlehem – 28,5km, which in any free country takes less than 1 hour, thirty minutes into the trip, palestinians are stopped at an Israeli checkpoint, pulling into a huge queue of cars. The place is engulfed by an apathetic silence, indicative of how anormallly normal the situation is for those experiencing it. This is Palestine. You can never predict when to move or to stop. People have lost any sense of what a meeting time means. You arrive when you arrive.

Welcome to Palestine – an open-air museum of colonialism.

For most people nowadays, colonialism is part of a bygone era. The majority of the world’s population has no first-hand experience of it, and many cannot imagine what it means to live under total foreign control. Today we have museums of colonialism, where people can go to learn about how this form of rule affected natives’ freedoms to live, to move, to speak, to work, and even to die peacefully. We live (supposedly) in a postcolonial world, and museums of colonialism serve to transport visitors back to a cruel era, granting them a glimpse of the damage this type of governance wrought on native communities.

What if, however, there were an actual place in our world today where colonialism and post-colonialism co-existed? Herein lies the sad, almost incomprehensible Palestinian contribution to the museum industry. If museums of colonialism reimagine the past in a modern setting, Palestine is both past and present – a colonial and postcolonial reality. In Palestine, there is no need to create a museum of colonialism: the whole country functions as such.

At any museum, you can expect to be able to explore different sections on different themes. The same holds true in Palestine – it has various sections, each displaying a different layer of colonialism. There is the West Bank, where you can see illegal Israeli settlements, expropriated land, a separation wall, and a physically controlled population. Then there is Gaza, where open-air museum meets open-air prison, as two million Palestinians have been living under an Israeli blockade for more than 15 years. And if you are more into surveying a surreal case of colonialism, then head to Israel proper and find out how Palestinians who stayed in historic Palestine after the foundation of Israel live. There, you will learn about stolen houses, demolished villages, second-class citizens, and institutionalised racism.

Open-air museums seek to give visitors a direct experience of what it was like to live in the past. When I tell friends that settler-only roads surround tiny villages all over the West Bank, they respond with a disbelieving gasp. For many, it is inconceivable to imagine colonial-era conditions in our time, and yet they have been the status quo in Palestine for decades. People who would like to learn about colonialism need look no further than Palestine. It is colonialism incarnate.

Recognising 21st century Palestine as an open-air museum of colonialism casts the longstanding Palestinian-Israeli conflict in a different light. During the latest Israeli attack on Gaza, some supporters of Israel legitimised its use of force by noting that any sovereign state would have reacted similarly to defend itself had it been under rocket fire from another state. Hamas launched rockets into Israeli territory, so this logic goes, and so Israel has a right to fight back.

This repeated argument ignores one crucial reality of the situation: Gaza is not a state. The West Bank is not a state either. In fact, there is no Palestinian state. The conflict between Israelis and Palestinians is not one between two sovereign states. Rather, it is a conflict between a colonised people and their coloniser.

Framing Palestine as a colonial question is essential to understanding the peculiarity of the Palestinian condition. For many people around the world, Palestine is an enigma. How is it that for so long Palestinians have been stuck in a situation that is seemingly so unchangeable, fixed, intractable? Statelessness, uprooting, refugeehood, and resistance have practically become permanent descriptors of Palestinians. The conflict between Palestinians and Israelis has evolved into a cornerstone of our modern soundscape – something always happens there, except what happens never brings about any serious change to the status quo.

If Palestine is often viewed as a persistent dilemma whose resolution is long overdue, it is because Palestine is more of an anomaly than an enigma. Palestinians have not enjoyed the kind of history that most people in the colonial era have. In most cases, the story of former colonies followed a linear path: colonialism, anti-colonial struggle, and then independence – a new nation-state. This pattern was so forceful and the defeat of colonialism so successful that the last few decades have witnessed the emergence of a powerful new field of intellectual inquiry aptly named “postcolonial studies”. Ironically, one of the grand masters of this field was Palestinian – the late scholar Edward Said.

Not so for Palestinians. Unlike other would-be nations in the Middle East, such as Jordan, Iraq, and Syria, Palestine did not witness an end to a British or French Mandate that would lead to the formation of an independent nation-state. Rather, the termination of the British Mandate of Palestine in 1948 led to what Palestinians view as another form of colonialism.

The Zionist movement, which would form Israel and result in the destruction of Palestinian society and the ethnic cleansing of Palestine (a series of events known in Palestinian historiography as the Nakba, or Catastrophe), has successfully managed to halt the linear progression of Palestinians’ path to self-determination. Both before and after 1948, Palestinians have been struggling to resist first, British and then, Zionist colonialism; realise their dream of a free, independent state; and cast off their own specific, multilayered experiences of imperialism.

Put bluntly, Palestinians have yet to enter the postcolonial world order. As individuals, they live in the 21st century, but as a stateless nation, they are still captive to the pre-1948 colonial moment. This is the anomaly of Palestinian time: as Columbia University professor Joseph Massad characterises it, Palestine can be understood as a “postcolonial colony”, a region where two periods, two world views, two eras, fiercely collide. This is why it functions as an open-air museum of colonialism – it is at once past and present, with the exploitative policies and practices of colonialism on perpetual display.

It is dangerous to view Palestine as solely a human rights issue – it is drastically more. Palestinians are a living demonstration of what barbaric colonialism looks like. They simultaneously belong and do not belong to the postcolonial order. For them, 1948 is not just a memory – it is an ongoing reality, a moment in time that has been stretched to define who they are, and who they are not. Palestine has been turned, brutally, into a permanent museum of colonialism whose doors should have closed long ago.

That is, should have never been opened.

quarta-feira, 8 de setembro de 2021

The Resistant: Zakaria Zubeidi

O Exército israelense de ocupação está prendendo os familiares e parentes dos seis resistentes que escaparam da prisão de alta segurança. Addamer, a ONG palestina de apoio aos cinco mil prisioneiros políticos detidos em masmorras israelenses, junto com outras ONGs de Direitos Humanos, denunciaram hoje as barbaridades que os soldados israelenses estão cometendo na Cisjordânia como desforra pelo vexame.

Sobretudo com os próximos a Zakaria Zubeidi. 

As Forças Armadas israelenses já destruíram a casa da família de Zakaria duas vezes e a maioria dos homens da família já foram presos em Israel nos últimos trinta anos.

Soldados israelenses assassinaram a mãe de Zakaria a balas em uma das invasões à sua casa. Frustrados por não conseguirem executá-lo, mataram a mãe. Ele escapou coberto de feridas de estilhaços.

A maior parte do campo de refugiados de Jenin foi destruída pelo exército de ocupação em 2002.

Israel está preparando uma invasão da cidade, que está esperando o massacre e pronta para enfrentar os invasores messmo desarmados. 

A fuga de Zakaria e sua história de combate à ocupação faz de sua família o maior alvo de agressões "retaliativas" de Israel pela humilhação pública internacional. Porém, seu status, em Jenin e na Palestina inteira, alcançou proporções jamais vistas desde Yasser Arafat, a quem foi fiel na chefia da organização militar do Fatah em Jenin até a morte do líder palestino.  

Zakaria, de 46 anos, e seus cinco companeiros ainda estão fora de alcance do exército israelense que mobilizou centenas de soldados que estão escarafunchando a Cisjordânia inteira e aumentando os checkpoints (já existem cerca de 300!). Se os seis resistentes conseguirem sair desta escapada histórica, apesar dos sisraelenses estaem vasculhando todas as cidades e vilarejos além de estarem monitorando com drones e seu sistema de espionagem a Palestina inteira, vão ser consagrados. Zakaria já é herói da Segunda Intifada. Falta livrar-se desta para virar lenda.

Que Deus os proteja!

Israeli Ocuppation army is arresting relatives of Palestinian prisoners on the run after their brazen escape from a high-security prison in Israel.

Addameer, the Palestinian prisoner support and human rights association, said on Wednesday at least seven family members of the escapees were detained by Israeli soldiers throughout the occupied West Bank, though some were held only briefly.

Zakaria Zubeidi’s family home had been destroyed twice by Israeli forces and most of the male family members had been arrested and imprisoned in Israel.

Zakaria’s mother was shot dead by Israeli soldiers on one of the occasions they tried to assassinate him, while he suffered a serious arm injury and shrapnel to his face.

Most of the camp was levelled by the Israeli military in 2002 during the Second Intifada.

But it is Zakaria’s escape and his history of fighting against the occupation that makes the family a prime target for Israeli retaliation. His status has reached legendary proportions in the camp and in the whole Palestinian community in the occupied territories and abroad. 

A former member of the Fatah-affiliated Al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigades he, together with the other five escapees from Islamic Jihad, has continued to elude the hundreds of Israeli security forces scouring West Bank villages and towns, while soldiers are concentrated at, and surveillance cameras monitor, entry points into Israel.

Para entender Zakaria Zubeide, leia os blogs de 16/12/2012 e 30/12/2012, 
e assista o documentário abaixo, legendado em espanhol
To understand Zakaria Zubaide

Arna's Children / Os filhos de Arna
English, legenda em espanhol 
https://youtu.be/7peJ_2Bkbp0

Jenine Freedom Theater
https://youtu.be/sWhJ6hI3p9g

Interviews in Arabic and English
https://youtu.be/eC0exSdQT6c

https://youtu.be/zcg82D_hDGoss.

segunda-feira, 6 de setembro de 2021

Shawshank Redemption in Palestine!

"Six Palestinian political prisoners reportedly escaped the Israeli occupation Gilboa prison overnight on Monday, 6 September, liberating themselves. Israeli occupation forces reported that six Palestinian political prisoners were absent at the 4 am roll call and found a tunnel dug by hand with an exit outside the prison.

According to Palestinian media, the six liberated prisoners are Zakaria Al-Zubaidi, Munadil Yaqoub Naf’at, Muhammad Qasim Ardah, Yaqoub Mahmoud Qadri, Ayham Fouad Kamamji, and Mahmoud Abdullah Ardah. Occupation forces are searching for the six liberated prisoners and they have so far remained free.

This is breaking news and we will provide further updates.

Samidoun Palestinian Prisoner Solidarity Network sends its salutes to these six liberated Palestinian prisoners seeking justice and liberation and their fellow 4,750 Palestinians jailed by the Israeli colonial occupation. Palestinian detainees are routinely subjected to torture, abuse, and lengthy imprisonment for their commitment to a free Palestine. Freedom now for all Palestinian prisoners and for all of Palestine, from the river to the sea!"

Zakaria is considered an icon of the Intifadaw within coccupied Palesstine. His evasion is inspirational and spread joy all over Palesstine, both in the West Bank and in the Gaza Stip.

Zakaria, 46 years old, surved under Yasser Arafat as the commander of the al-Aqsa Brigades in Jenine, during the Second Intifada. He had his amnesty revoked for unknown reasons in 2011 after willfully disarming in 2007, lleading to multiple arrests.

This is a massive blow to the Israeli establishment and may lead them to further escalate tensions in the occupiend territories and attack  Jenine, and Gaza, again.

Where it began

domingo, 5 de setembro de 2021

Reality check on Afghanistan XII

For twenty years, two dominant narratives have shaped our view of the illegal US invasion and occupation of Afghanistan, and neither one of these narratives would readily accept the use of such terms as ‘illegal’, ‘invasion’ and ‘occupation.’

The framing of the US ‘military intervention’ in Afghanistan, starting on October 7, 2001, as the official start of what was dubbed as a global ‘war on terror’ was left almost entirely to US government strategists. Former President, George W. Bush, his Vice President, Dick Cheney, his Secretary of Defense, Donald Rumsfeld and an army of spokespersons, neoconservative ‘intellectuals’, journalists and so on, championed the military option as a way to rid Afghanistan of its terrorists, make the world a safe place and, as a bonus, bring democracy to Afghanistan and free its oppressed women.

For that crowd, the US war in an already war-torn and extremely impoverished country was a just cause, maybe violent at times, but ultimately humanistic.

Another narrative, also a western one, challenged the gung-ho approach used by the Bush administration, argued that democracy cannot be imposed by force, reminded Washington of Bill Clinton’s multilateral approach to international politics, warned against the ‘cut and run’ style of foreign policymaking, whether in Afghanistan, Iraq or elsewhere.

Although both narratives may have seemed at odds, at times, in actuality they accepted the basic premise that the United States is capable of being a moral force in Afghanistan and elsewhere. Whether those who may refer to themselves as ‘antiwar’ realize this or not, they, too, subscribe to the same notion of American exceptionalism and ‘Manifest Destiny’ that Washington continues to assign to itself.

The main difference between both of these narratives is that of methodology and approach and not whether the US has the right to ‘intervene’ in the affairs of another country, whether to ‘eradicate terrorism’ or to supposedly help a victim population, incapable of helping themselves and desperate for a western savior.

However, the humiliating defeat suffered by the US in Afghanistan should inspire a whole new way of thinking, one that challenges all Western narratives, without exception, in Afghanistan and throughout the world.

Obviously, the US has failed in Afghanistan, not only militarily and politically – let alone in terms of ‘state-building’ and every other way – the US-Western narratives on Afghanistan were, themselves, a failure. Mainstream media, which for two decades have reported on the country with a palpable sense of moral urgency, now seem befuddled. US ‘experts’ are as confused as ordinary people regarding the hasty retreat from Kabul, the bloody mayhem at the airport or why the US was in Afghanistan in the first place.

Meanwhile, the ‘humanistic interventionists’ are more concerned with Washington’s ‘betrayal’ of the Afghan people, ‘leaving them to their fate’, as if the Afghans are irrational beings with no agency of their own, or as if the Afghan people have called on the Americans to invade their country or have ‘elected’ American generals as their democratic representatives.

The US-Western propaganda, which has afflicted our collective understanding of Afghanistan for twenty years and counting, has been so overpowering to the point that we are left without the slightest understanding of the dynamics that led to the Taliban’s swift takeover of the country. The latter group is presented in the media as if entirely alien to the socio-economic fabric of Afghanistan. This is why the Taliban’s ultimate victory seemed, not only shocking but extremely confusing as well.

For twenty years, the very little we knew about the Taliban has been communicated to us through Western media analyses and military intelligence assessments. With the Taliban’s viewpoint completely removed from any political discourse pertaining to Afghanistan, an alternative Afghan national narrative was carefully constructed by the US and its NATO partners. These were the ‘good Afghans’, we were told, ones who dress up in Western-style clothes, speak English, attend international conferences and, supposedly, respect women. These were also the Afghans who welcomed the US occupation of their country, as they benefited greatly from Washington’s generosity.

If those ‘good Afghans’ truly represented Afghan society, why did their army of 300,000 men drop their weapons and flee the country, along with their President, without a serious fight? And if the 75,000 poorly-armed and, at times, malnourished Taliban seemed to merely represent themselves, why then did they manage to defeat formidable enemies in a matter of days?

There can be no argument that an inferior military power, like that of the Taliban, could have possibly persisted, and ultimately won, such a brutal war over the course of many years, without substantial grassroots support pouring in from the Afghan people in large swathes of the country. The majority of the Taliban recruits who have entered Kabul on August 15 were either children, or were not even born, when the US invaded their country, all those years ago. What compelled them to carry arms? To fight a seemingly unwinnable war? To kill and be killed? And why did they not join the more lucrative business of working for the Americans, like many others have?

We are just beginning to understand the Taliban narrative, as their spokespersons are slowly communicating a political discourse that is almost entirely unfamiliar to most of us. A discourse that we were not allowed to hear, interact with or understand.

Now that the US and its NATO allies are leaving Afghanistan, unable to justify or even explain why their supposed humanitarian mission led to such an embarrassing defeat, the Afghan people are left with the challenge of weaving their own national narrative, one that must transcend the Taliban and their enemies to include all Afghans, regardless of their politics or ideology.

Afghanistan is now in urgent need of a government that truly represents the people of that country. It must grant rights to education, to minorities and to political dissidents, not to acquire a Western nod of approval, but because the Afghan people deserve to be respected, cared for and treated as equals. This is the true national narrative of Afghanistan that must be nurtured outside the confines of the self-serving Western mischaracterization of Afghanistan and her people.

John Pilger, on Afghanistan

PALESTINA 

INTERACTIVE: Palestinian Remix

Addameer

OCHA

Palestinian Center for Human Rights

B'Tselem 

International Solidarity Movement – Nonviolence. Justice. Freedom

Defense for Children 
Breaking the Silence

BRASIL

Carlos Latuff Twitter

The Intercept Brasil

 sp