domingo, 23 de fevereiro de 2014

Israel vs Palestina: História de um conflito L (05-07 2005)



No dia 26 de maio de 2005, após trocas de cartas, telefonemas e tête-à-tête entre George W. Bush e Ariel Sharon, foi a vez de Mahmud Abbas atravessar o Atlântico para pedir bença ao presidente dos Estados Unidos.

Abu Mazen chegou otimista, dizendo que ia solicitar apoio à sua visão de um Estado da Palestina viável ao lado do Estado de Israel já mais do que formado, ambos em segurança e em paz.
Não seria assim tão fácil.
Com o fim da Guerra Fria os Estados Unidos viraram os únicos juizes e patrões das desigualdades regionais. E neste conflito, já haviam escolhido seu lado desde 1948. A justiça não tinha nada a ver com ele e sim o poderoso lobby sionista e o capital - o banqueiro Rothschild na cabeça.
Ariel Sharon e Mahmud Abbas foram recebidos no mesmo local, na fazenda de Bush no Texas, mas a acolhida de igual só tinha o lugar.
Em abril, Sharon chegara como alguém da casa, tapinha nas costas, à vontade.
Em maio, Abbas chegou como um funcionário recém-contratado que em período de experiência encontra o dono da empresa que vai avaliá-lo e decidir que futuro terá.

A cobertura midiática foi a mesma. Porém, a visita de Abu Mazen teve menos espaço de fato e não me lembro de ter visto nenhuma foto que marcasse o evento. Da visita de Sharon havia várias.
Esta visita de Abbas aos EUA é apenas um exemplo a mais dos dois pesos e duas medidas.
Ao receber Mahmud Abbas, o objetivo dos Estados Unidos era demonstrar-lhe apoio para que pudesse fazer as "reformas" exigidas e reforçar sua posição interna, sobretudo em relação ao Hamas.
Não que o Hamas se importasse com a opinião dos EUA de quem quer que fosse. É que era uma maneira de Abu Mazen mostrar aos compatriotas que o jeitinho dele era o do diálogo através do qual conquistaria o apoio do Presidente dos Estados Unidos que por sua vez influenciaria o Primeiro Ministro de Israel em favor de uma solução equitativa que levasse à paz e à liberdade que almejavam.
Esta era a ideia do novo Presidente da Autoridade Palestina. Diferenciar-se de Yasser Arafat ao máximo aos olhos ocidentais a fim de abrir portas que a "intransigência" que o líder histórico haviam fechado.
Isto fora. Dentro da Palestina Abu Mazen jogava outra carta, a da proximidade e amizade com Abu Ammar que sabia ser venerado como o salvador da pátria. Afinal, sem a OLP e Arafat os palestinos não teriam nem a AP que lhes garante uma representação formal interna e externa, e nem mais nenhum pedacinho de terra.

Para manter as aparências e até mesmo pela compreensão da desigualdade da equação, Bush pressionou Sharon e este como sempre fez a cortina de fumaça anunciando a libertação de mais 400 prisioneiros.
Abed Al Razeq, um dos dirigentes da AP, macaco velho, pôs os pingos nos is logo, dizendo o que Abu Mazen achava que tinha de calar para conciliar.
'The israeli decision to release 900 prisoners was taken unilaterally [in Sharm el Sheikh, to show good will]. They released 500 prisioners unilaterally and now decided the release the remaining afater Israel put off their release to show the United States he has taken steps to bolstering Abu Mazen, although they slammed the Palestinian demand to release the prisoners arrested before May 1994.
The release of those prisoners gives consent in the Palestinian street and the national authority and the all political streams that the political process is positively going a head, but the massages sent out by Sharon asseted he is not interested either to boost the status of Abu Mazen or to enhancing the political process in the entire region."
De fato, considerando os milhares de prisioneiros e a importância política de muitos que continuaram presos - inclusive Marwan Barghuti - a medida era simplesmente ilusória.
(Como em 2013, com as novas Peace Talks patrocinadas por John Kerry, quando Israel liberta dezenas de palestinos com estardalhaço midiático e ao mesmo tempo detêm centenas na calada.)

Durante a visita de Mahmud Abbas a George W. Bush, Ariel Sharon demonstrou sua insatisfação com o tratamento público do palestino - a seu ver, amigável demais, e além disso, com uma oferta financeira!
Esta consistia de mais US$50 milhões de ajuda direta, uma ninharia comparados com os US$3 bilhões que Israel recebe anualmente dos Estados Unidos.
Porém, foi com esta promessa que os jornais encabeçaram os artigos sobre a visita. Como se fosse um grande feito diplomático e altruista.
Esta relação de "parceria" tripartite EUA/Israel/Palestina, além de desigual, é um tanto perversa. Na época de Yasser Arafat, as coisas eram mais definidas porque ele era autoritário, determinado, tinha a ideia fixa de deixar para seu povo um Estado independente e soberano e para isso usava todos os meios ao seu alcance. Do diálogo à violência, quando o faziam de bobo e ele precisava forçar a barra.
A era Mahmud Abbas começou de cabeça baixa, do Sim senhor, de separar ainda mais o Fatah do Hamas para agradar Tel Aviv e a Casa Branca, de ceder, ceder, ceder, e pôr panos quentes na ocupação para que os grupos militares do Fatah calassem as armas definitivamente. Falava firmemente no Al-Awda - Direito de Retorno quando estava em casa e fora falava por alto para não espantar seus "parceiros" estadunidenses e israelenses.
Quanto a Ariel Sharon, continuou apostando no mesmo cavalo para continuar sua expansão sem incômodo. A poderosa AIPAC - potente lobby sionista em Washington. Um pouquinho antes da viagem de Abbas aos EUA em maio, por exemplo, Ariel Sharon passou o tempo tranquilizando os extremistas judeus-estadunidenses repetindo incansavelmente que Israel jamais dividiria Jerusalém.
Como se Jerusalém lhes pertencesse para fazer o que lhe desse na tela e não à Palestina e às três religiões monoteístas.

Em abril Sharon obtivera a bênção de Bush para o seu "disengagement plan" com um tapinha na mão, que vimos nas cartas de ambos que publiquei no capítulo L desta história.
A título de lembrança, os pontos principais eram: Israel withdraws from Gaza and four settlements in the northern West Bank ('Samaria'); the settlements remain intact for use of the Palestinians if accepted by an appropriated agency; Israel retains, for now, temporary control of the Philadelphi road that separates Egypt from Gaza, in order to patrol the border; the Palestinian airport and the port in Dahanieh remain closed; the Erez joint industrial area which employs about 4,000 Palestinians, will continue to operate; the Erez border crossing will be moved and rebuilt on the Israeli side; the borders are not final. Final borders will be negotiated with the Palestinians when they have fulfilled the conditions of the roadmap for peace (controlling terror). The roadmap remains the basis for peace and Israel will not accept it.
Resumindo o conteúdo da missiva-resposta de Bush: The US gives its blessing to the Israeli disengagement plan; the roadmap remains the only plan for peace between Israel and the Palestinians; the US believes that the Palestine refugee problem must be solved by settling the refugees in the territory of the Palestinian state; the US believes that a final settlement should take into account the 'demographic realities' of Israeli settlement in the West Bank, and that Israel will not withdraw to the 1949 cease fire lines; the US recognizes the need for the controversial Israeli security fence, which is a temporary measure and not a border; the US did not grant recognition or legitimacy to any specific Israeli settlements."
A ambiguidade e a omissão das invasões judias levou gregos e troianos a pensarem que quem cala consente e deu asas a Ariel Sharon para que interpretasse que os EUA concordavam que Israel "anexasse" a seu Estado as colônias Ma'aleh Edumim, Gush Etzion e as das áreas de Hebron e Ariel.
Além dos palestinos, os países árabes e Kofi Annan também não gostaram da omissão de Washington. O Secretário Geral da ONU insistiu que as Resoluções 194 (Direito de Retorno) e 242 (fronteiras de 1967) fossem respeitadas. Ou seja, a Linha Verde.
Enquanto isso, corria o boato em Tel Aviv que Bush prometera a Israel todas as terras palestinas que ocupasse, segundo "demographic realities."
Sharon estava dando gargalhadas.

Nos bastidores Bush anulava tudo o que dissera a Mahmud Abbas em público e desmentia a carta que enviara a Sharon em 2004, na qual dizia: As part of a final peace settlement, Israel must have secure and recognized borders, which should emerge from negotiations between the parties in accordance with UNSC Resolutions 242 and 338. In light of new realities on the ground, including already existing major Israeli population centers, it is unrealistic to expect that the outcome of final status negotiations will be a full and complete return to the armistice lines of 1949, and all previous efforts to negotiate a two-state solution have reached the same conclusion. It is realistic to expect that any final status agreement will only be achieved on the basis of mutually agreed changes that reflect these realities.
Nos bastidores da Casa Branca ouvia-se que Bush pressionaria Sharon a parar a colonização se Abbas resolvesse os problemas de "terror" com eficiência.
Um círculo vicioso que começou com a ocupação e só dependia da desocupação para que parasse. Mas uma vez mais a responsabilidade foi posta nas costas do ocupado exonerando o ocupante de dar o primeiro passo.
Pois quem decidiria o grau de "eficiência" necessário a que a palavra de Bush fosse cumprida?
E o terror do outro lado, quem ia controlar?
Foram perguntas que emergiram na época e hoje, oito anos após o fim da Intifada, continuam sendo questões de atualidade. A violência da resistência palestina parou e as colônias israelenses na Cisjordânia proliferaram.

No dia 09 de junho a Corte Suprema de Israel rejeitou as demandas dos colonos contra a evacuação de suas invasões na Faixa da Gaza, irreversível, pois o Hamas não deixava os invasores em paz com seus morteiros para que Sharon entendesse que não podia voltar atrás porque se voltasse os colonos jamais dormiriam em paz, quaisquer que fossem o número de soldados que a IDF usasse para escudá-los
Aliás, enquanto as promessas de Bush e Sharon eram divulgadas, a IDF continuava assassinando à vontade. Por volta de 40 palestinos perderam a vida nesse período. De todas as idades.
Para completar, no dia 21 de junho, um pouco antes de uma reunião de cúpula prevista entre Ariel Sharon e Mahmud Abbas, a IDF deu um limpa na Cisjordânia prendendo dezenas de resistentes. Segundo fontes israelenses, em um sinal de impaciência com a lentidão dos procedimentos do novo presidente da AP.
A reunião de cúpula patrocinada por Condoleezza Rice fora inútil.

"Não precisa ficar com medo,
seu coração é de pedra"
A única declaração pública foi feita por Ariel Sharon que disse que obtivera o consentimento de Mahmud Abbas para o desmantelamento das invasões judias sem incidentes com a resistência.
Acrescentou que Israel will make no concessions on security unless the Palestinians act against terrorists, and the Palestinians will not act decisively against terrorists.
Passando da palavra ao ato, logo depois da declaração de Ariel Sharon que fechava as portas do diálogo para reabrir a da violência, a IDF procedeu a vários ataques aéreos da Faixa de Gaza, em áreas de onde os foguetes Qassan eram lançados. Matou vários membros do Jihad e feriu muitas outras pessoas alheias à resistência armada.
Para completar o ataque, Sharon reabriu oficialmente a campanha de assassinatos suspensa durante menos de um semestre.
Era o grito de guerra que o Hamas e o Jihad ouviram e sentiram os efeitos das bombas da IDF na carne.

Apesar de tudo, Abu Mazen continuou tentando cumprir a palavra pressionando e caçando militantes do Hamas e do Jihad na Faixa de Gaza.
No início de julho convidou dirigentes dos dois partidos a entrarem no governo central e a aderir ao processo político em vez do armado, mas com a recusa do Hamas, decidiu adiar as eleições legislativas sem marcar novas datas, pois não podia e nem queria correr o risco de ser derrotado.  
O impasse nessa época devia-se ao fato de nenhum dos dois dirigientes - Ariel Sharon e Mahmud Abbas - ser/estar forte (politicamente) o suficiente para oferecer concessões em relação ao estatuto final.
Sharon teimava em não dividir Jerusalém; Abbas insistia que Jerusalém tinha de ser a capital da Palestina e que não podia abdicar do direito de retorno dos milhões de refugiados.
Abbas só conseguiria o apoio de seus compatriotas se conseguisse uma vitória representativa nas eleições legislativas.
Sharon apostara tudo no "disengagement plan" citado acima e ficara debilitado dentro e fora do Knesset.
Como os ataques contra as invasões israelenses continuavam, eles eram usados para justificar a repressão, os assassinatos e os palestinos descontavam nos colonos judeus que estavam do lado e que os agrediam o tempo inteiro.
Era um círculo vicioso controlável, a curto prazo, apenas com a evacuação dos "hóspedes" indesejados.

O mês de julho foi marcado por uma onda de protestos colonial em Tel Aviv, com ruas bloqueadas, etcétera e tal.
Os colonos usavam de cada vez mais violência, bloqueando estradas, agredindo os palestinos fisicamente e até soldados da IDF, que eram insultados e incitados a desobedecer as ordens dadas de evacuá-los.
Um grupo de para-militares judeus chegou a ocupar um hotel em Gaza e invadir casas de famílias gazauís para confiscá-las. E nessas rixas acabaram ferindo gravemente um adolescente palestino. 
A notícia espalhou-se como pólvora e no dia 13 um bomba-suicida do Jihad de Tulkarm explodiu em Netanya, em Israel, levando consigo cindo israelenses.
A retaliação da IDF foi imediata. Primeiro em Tulkarm, que foi reocupada com tanques, toque de recolher, e bloqueio total.
Depois Gaza. A cidade foi bombardeada e uma dezena de militantes do Hamas foram assassinados. 
No dia 15 a batalha foi fratricida, com policiais da Autoridade Palestina tentando manter a ordem e para-militares do Hamas irredutíveis no desejo de retaliação aos ataques da IDF.
Uns e outros ficaram feridos, e dois civis foram mortos por balas perdidas. Foi só então que as duas facções palestinas cairam na real e pararam a briga.
Os ânimos estavam difíceis de serem contidos.
Do lado oriental da Linha Verde Abu Mazen estava acuado, cumprindo ordens estadunidenses difíceis que o faziam perder a popularidade em detrimento do Hamas.
Do lado ocidental, Ariel Sharon sentia que se não procedesse à evacuação dos colonos imediatamente a Intifada ia voltar e Israel também ia queimar nas mãos da extrema-direita.
Foi então que caiu a ficha que se esperasse os colonos evacuarem a Faixa no prazo de 15 de agosto, esperaria sentado, pois muitos ficariam lá. Então decidiu não esperar os retardários teimosos e finalizar o disengagement plan "na marra".

Quanto aos palestinos, baixaram as armas e a Intifada transformou-se em uma luta cidadã pacífica lançada no dia 09 de julho de 2005: O BDS Movement que cresceria e proliferaria na Cisjordânia, em Israel e ganharia o mundo inteiro, em todos os meios sociais.
O BDS foi criado com os seguintes objetivos:
Fim da ocupação e da colonização dos territórios palestinos;
Igualdade de direitos para os cidadãos árabes de Israel;
Respeito ao direito de retorno dos refugiados palestinos.
E ação ativa não violenta de boicote aos produtos de empresas israelenses e estrangeiras instaladas ou ligadas às colônias ilegais  judias na Cisjordânia.
Desde então, os consumidores humanistas não compraram mais nada sem antes verificar o código barra de origem: 7 290, fica na prateleira e com reclamação de que é produto ilegal!
http://www.bdsmovement.net/



"...Actually, the blocking of roads is a declaration of war against the Israeli public. It marks a clear front-line: the settlers and their adherents on one side and the majority of the population on the other.
That is, indeed, the real front-line. Their stupid tactics just confirm this. They sense that the great majority is against them and say, in effect: if you don't love us, at least fear us. If you don't submit to us, we shall turn your life into hell.
Even foreigners, who follow events on their television screens, can distinguish the creators of this mayhem from ordinary Israelis. Almost all the rioters are knitted-kippa-wearing religious youth, the products of the religious-messianic-nationalist-fanatical educational hothouses.
This is a minority, something between 15% and 25% of the population. But a well organized minority. Their hard core is concentrated in the settlements and the Yeshivot (religious seminaries) and is easy to mobilize. They have leaders with absolute authority, who stand effectively above the law. Their totalitarian discipline finds expression at election times, when 99% of the votes in religious neighborhoods go to the candidate chosen by their rabbis.
Such features lend this minority a power far beyond their numbers. Especially when faced with a weak-kneed, diffuse, apathetic, unorganized majority, without any coherent ideology. That is a classic situation, which has led in many countries to the establishment of fascist dictatorships on the ruins of a democracy that nobody was ready to stand up for....
...At the same time, the representatives of the settlers negotiate the compensation they will be paid for their "uprooting". It starts at 400 thousand dollars and may reach several million for a family. They will also get a luxurious mobile home, worth half a million Shekels, for temporary accommodation, and it is theirs to keep even after the government builds them a permanent home. There are also plans to give the settlers a whole stretch of territory north of Ashkelon, where they will enjoy what amounts to de facto local autonomy. It is proposed to give them two dunums for one, the land to be taken from Kibbutzim and Moshavim. One settler lady boasted on television about her 35 hothouses, each worth 200 thousand dollars, for which she expects full compensation.
The fanatics declare that they will not take the money, that they will fight to the last drop of blood. But in practice, every threat just raises the price. The more extreme the language of the settlers, the more money the government is frightened into offering. Hundreds of thousands will march on Gush Katif? Fifty thousand dollars more per family. Thousands of soldiers will refuse orders? Another 100 thousand dollars. Blood will flow? Two hundred thousand more. The sky is the limit."
Uri Avnery, 28/05/2005


Reservistas da IDF, forças israelenses de ocupação,
Shovrim Shtika - Breaking the Silence 


That whole business of the photos taken while someone is picked up for interrogation, blindfolded, hands tied, and he's placed in a post like that and…
Someone is shackled and everyone would come along and get their pictures taken with him?
Yes, that was normal.
What would they do with the photos?
Hang them up at home.
Did you do checkpoints?
Yes.
Were there all kinds of improper conduct?
There's no such thing as a "proper" checkpoint.
That's how you feel.
You can't run a checkpoint properly.
How is this manifested?
A young soldier in the company (there are these mixed companies of older and younger soldiers) and he does 8-hour shifts at the checkpoint, 8 hours break for sleep, 8 hours at the checkpoint, he's no longer objective. It's his little life and all his moods and his nerves all come out there, and it's reflected in his treatment of Arabs.
For instance?
Yelling, aggressiveness that is totally unnecessary. There was also this fun thing with car keys. Every time there was curfew or some such procedures, games of the army, detaining someone driving along, a jeep comes along, picks up his car keys -let him find them himself. He was told to reach the brigade HQ. "Next Sunday you'll get your car keys back." On many occasions the keys would simply get lost, be thrown into the jeep and one guy would pass them on to another and they disappeared.
Was there an official procedure handed down from command? A procedure or just a whim?
Just a whim.
Whose? The soldier's on the spur of the moment, the company commander's?
With us it was the platoon commander's decision.
That same platoon commander?
Yes, I recall we were in Hebron and we had a whole collection of car keys in our jeep. And IDs. Guys would take IDs from Palestinians and not give them back.
Were there instances at the checkpoints of bribery, like cigarettes, food, money, humiliation, tasks?
That happened all the time. People would receive things, from cigarettes and food… There was a checkpoint in Hebron. I forgot which. Some little checkpoint in Hebron, don't remember where.
In town or outside?
Outside. There were lots of commercial vehicles. The soldiers in the platoon would compete to see who manages to squeeze the most out of people. Starting with Coke trucks… They would make them stand there until… harass them until the Arab would realize he had to take down something. At the post above the checkpoint there were 5 soldiers. There was a platoon that would man the post and checkpoint and they were the only ones who did the checkpoint. At that post there were whole cases of Coke and Arab snacks, and this got out to the platoon commander, like, he knew it was happening, but okay… No, why shouldn't the soldiers get snacks, any car that was carrying stuff, 85-90% certainty the driver would [have to] give the soldiers something. Drinks, food, stuff like that.
... It seems unclear to me, you describe a very extreme difficult, immoral situation, personally uneasy, and still…
That's the point. Now, on the outside, it looks like that, but when you're there, inside things, your judgment is totally different, you don't think these things are so important…
You regard things on the personal level, to cope and manage?
You care less, somehow. Only after you get out of the army do you look back and realize what you did.
Were there others? What was the dynamic like in the platoon, in the company, social pressure, where did that go, what was the talk like?
Most were into it. Most guys were very extreme. There were two others with me who felt bad. Didn't touch things, did nothing of the sort their whole time in the army, but it didn't bother them enough to get up and actively do something about it. Eventually they did. Two went to the company commander with me, that was the most. When I approached the battalion commander, I was already on my own. They didn't come along.
How were you treated? Did you come to soldiers and say, don't do this?
I didn't say. I didn't do.
Criticism was voiced only in private?
Yes. 
Sargento reservista da IDF.


IAW 2014 LDN panel-smallPS. SOS BOICOTE:
Na Inglaterra e nos Estados Unidos, esta semana é a de mobilização anual de boicote a Israel.
Vai do dia 24 de fevereiro ao dia 14 de março, com manifestações diversas e múltiplas.
Se você morar em um desses países, informe-se para saber como participar.
Até agora, o programa que tenho é o seguinte para os próximos dias:


UK
LONDON
Tuesday February 25
Medicine and Apartheid in Palestine6pm at University College London,  Roberts 421
Dr Ang Swee Chai will be talking about medicine in Palestine and about her 30 years of experience working with Palestinians in conflict zones from Lebanon to Gaza. She will touch on the memories of the horrors of the Sabra and Shatilla massacre of September 1982 which the recently dead Ariel Sharon played role in.
Ben White will be highlighting the ways in which apartheid works inside the 1948 areas and the occupied Palestinian territories. He will also talk about Israel’s discriminatory policies and will touch on the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) movement as a response.
Wednesday February 26
Central London Israeli Apartheid Week panel7pm, University College London, Darwin B40, Gower Street, near Euston station. Map
An exciting panel featuring South African anti-apartheid activist Salim Vally, a speaker from Addameer, the Palestinian political prisoner organisation, and Rafeef Ziadah from War on Want.
Organised by London student Palestine societies.
Thursday February 27
Avi Shlaim – Israel and Palestine: Problems and Prospects
Avi Shlaim is an Emeritus Fellow of St Antony’s College and Emeritus Professor of International Relations at the University of Oxford. He was elected Fellow of the British Academy in 2006.
Avi Shlaim is based at the Middle East Centre at St Antony’s College. His main research interest is the Arab-Israeli conflict. He is the author of numerous books on the Middle East such as “The Iron Wall: Israel and the Arab World” and also writes on a range of other political issues. Professor Shlaim is a frequent contributor to the newspapers and commentator on radio and television on Middle Eastern affairs.
Friday February 28
Liberation in Palestine: a Queer Issue6pm, Strand Campus, King’s College
Haneen Maikey, director of Al-Qaws, and speakers from  No to Pinkwashing, No to Israeli Apartheid and London Palestine Action
Al-Qaws is Palestinian LGBTQ organisation which organises social events, provides a phone line and aims to build an active Palestinian LGBTQ community – as part of the wider struggle for Palestinian freedom.
The meeting is part of the struggle against pinkwashing – an Israeli government PR technique that aims to use opposition to homophobia to legitimise Israel and undermine support for Palestine. A meeting for LGBT History Month and Israel Apartheid Week.
Organised by KCL Action Palestine, No to Pinkwashing, No to Israeli Apartheid and London Palestine Action.
E em muitas cidades da Inglaterra e Escócia tais como: Birmingham, Bradford, Cambridge, Dundee, Durham, Edinburgh, Essex, Exeter, Glasgow, Kent, Lancaster, Leeds, Liverpool, Manchester, Northampton, Nottingham, Oxford, Sheffield, Southampton, Sussex.


USA
CHICAGO

Please join SJP DePaul, SJP at the University of Chicago, SJP Loyola, ROOTs (Resisting Oppression & Occupation Together), the Arab Jewish Partnership for Peace and Justice in the Middle East (AJP) and Jewish Voice for Peace - Chicago, for a special screening of the Emmy-Winning documentary 5 Broken Cameras hosted by the co-director and one of the leaders of the Palestine Popular Resistance Movement, Emad Burnat!!
WHEN: Monday 24 February at 7:30 PM
WHERE: Schmitt Academic Center (SAC) Rm. 254



NEW JERSEY

Students for Justice in Palestine at Drew University
Tuesday February 25th at 7 PM
Presented by Drew University SJP
Film Screening: “The Stones Cry out” A Film on Palestinian Christians.
Drew University-Seminary Hall Chapel
36 Madison Avenue, Madison NJ
RSVP is not required
Facebook event page: https://www.facebook.com/events/658593607535438/?ref_dashboard_filter=upcomingThursday February 27th at 7 PM
Presented by Drew University SJP
Max Blumenthal and David Sheen present: East-African Migrants and Asylum Seekers in Israel: Hatred and Racism
Drew University-DOYO Arts 106
36 Madison Avenue, Madison NJ
RSVP is not required
Facebook event page https://www.facebook.com/events/259444810891683/?ref_dashboard_filter=upcoming
Students for Justice in Palestine at Rutgers University – Newark
Students for Justice in Palestine at Rutgers University – New Brunswick
Dates: Feb 24th-Feb 27th
Monday: IAW; Anti-African Racism in Israel with David Sheen at 8 PM at RSC 411A
Tuesday: Plight of Women and Children of Palestine
Thursday: Israeli Pinkwashing.
NEW YORK
Tuesday February 25th at 7 PM
Presented by Drew University SJP
Film Screening: “The Stones Cry out” A Film on Palestinian Christians.
Drew University-Seminary Hall Chapel
36 Madison Avenue, Madison NJ
RSVP is not required
Facebook event page: https://www.facebook.com/events/658593607535438/?ref_dashboard_filter=upcoming
Thursday February 27th at 7 PM
Presented by Drew University SJP
Max Blumenthal and David Sheen present: East-African Migrants and Asylum Seekers in Israel: Hatred and Racism
Drew University-DOYO Arts 106
36 Madison Avenue, Madison NJ
RSVP is not required
Facebook event page https://www.facebook.com/events/259444810891683/?ref_dashboard_filter=upcoming
Monday March 3rd doors at 7PM, movie at 7:30PM
Presented by Librarians and Archivists to Palestine
Film Screening and Discussion: The Great Book Robbery
Speakers: Hannah Mermelstein, Molly Fair, Maggie Schreiner
Interference Archive
131 8th St., #1, Brooklyn, NY, 11215
RSVP is not required
Facebook event page
https://www.facebook.com/events/675695949161162/?context=create#

Tuesday March 4th at 6:30pm
Presented by John Jay SJP
Film screening and discussion with Alice Rothchild: Voices Across the Divide
John Jay College-Room TBA
899 10th Avenue
RSVP is REQUIRED
Facebook event page–
Wednesday March 5th at 6PM
Presented by CUNY LAW SJP
Challenging Apartheid and Repression from the US to Palestine
Speakers: Bina Ahmad, Radhika Sainath, Hazem Jamjoum, Diala Shamas
Event Description: “Apartheid” refers to a regime of violent, institutionalized racial segregation that contravenes international law. The continuous dispossession of Palestinian refugees, policies of colonization and restricted movement within the Occupied Territories, and legally-sanctioned discrimination within Israel proper are but a few examples of Israel’s transgressions that are reminiscent of South Africa’s apartheid era. As members of the progressive legal community, we have a role to play in reversing the US’s role in perpetuating repression and violence, both in Palestine/Israel and here at home. Join CUNY Law Students for Justice in Palestine for an exciting panel discussion with attorney-activists and scholars to examine the roots of Israel’s apartheid system and how people of conscience around the world are challenging Israel’s systemic oppression.
CUNY School of Law-Room 1/202
2 Court Square, Long Island City, NY 11101
RSVP is not required
Facebook event page https://www.facebook.com/events/133042600199693/?context=create

Thursday March 6th at 630PM
Presented by BC SJP
Book discussion with Ali Abunimah
Event Description: This lecture will be about Ali Abunimah’s new book “The Battle for Justice in Palestine.” The book explores the current state of the Palestinian-Israeli issue and gives a detailed analysis of the situation from all angles.
Brooklyn College-Student Center
2900 Bedford Ave (Campus Rd. at 27th St.), Brooklyn, NY
RSVP is REQUIRED
Facebook event page
https://www.facebook.com/events/1405048609752170/?source=1

Friday March 7th at 6PM
Presented by SJP at Hunter College
“Goliath,” a Conversation with Max Blumenthal
Hunter College-Faculty Dining Lounge
Address: 695 Park Ave, Thomas Hunter 111, New York, NY 10065
RSVP is not required
Facebook event page
https://www.facebook.com/events/207909429402676/?notif_t=plan_user_joined

Friday March 7th at 7PM
Presented by The New School
The Battle For Justice In Palestine and the Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions Movement
66 W 12th Street
New York, NY 10011
Facebook event page: https://www.facebook.com/events/522152761232508/?context=create&ref_dashboard_filter=upcoming

Saturday March 8th from 2PM to 4PM
Presented by Adalah-NY
BDS Tour
Location: North side of Houston, between Wooster and Greene Streets (across the street from Aroma Cafe)
RSVP is not required
Facebook event page https://www.facebook.com/events/524301404350378/

Monday March 10 at 7PM
Presented by NYU SJP
Panel discussion by Max Blumenthal, Ali Abunimah, and Lisa Duggan
NYU- GCASL room C95
238 Thompson Street, New York
RSVP is not required
Facebook event page

Tuesday March 11 at 7pm
The Plight of African Refugees in Israel by David Sheen
CUNY Graduate Center-Room 5414
365 5th Avenue (Northeast corner of 34th St. and 5th Av.)
RSVP is not required
Facebook event page
https://www.facebook.com/events/1450819711814270/?ref_dashboard_filter=calendar

Wednesday March 12 at
Presented by Rutgers Newark SJP
Book discussion with Ali Abunimah
Facebook event page

Thursday March 13 at 7pm
Presented by Queers Against Israeli Apartheid
Al-Helm: Martin Luther King in Palestine film screening
West Park Presbytarian Church
165 W. 86th St. (northeast corner of 86th and Amsterdam Ave.)
RSVP is not required
Facebook event page

Friday March 14 at 7pm
End of Apartheid happy hour
Location TBA
MASSACHUSSETTS
Dates: Feb 24th-Feb 27th
Monday-Friday:
A representation of the separation barrier which snakes through the West Bank, cutting off farmers from their crops and villagers from their land will be up in Red Square all week.
Monday 2/24 - CodePink: Women For Peace
Ellen and Paki from CodePink discuss their Experiences in Rafah Crossing and Gaza
Jefferson 218 at 7:30 pm
 Tuesday 2/25 - Student Panel: Why Israel is an Apartheid State
Two Clark Graduate Students discuss why Israel is Apartheid. Yuval Idan, born and raised in Isreal; Ronza Al-Madbouh, born and raised in Palestine
Lurie Conference Room at 7:30 pm
 Wednesday 2/26  - My Journey from Zionism to Palestinian Solidarity
Tali Ruskin from Jewish Voices for Peace
Sackler 120 at 7:30 pm
Thursday 2/27  - Screening: 5 Broken Cameras
Documentary Screening
Sackler 120 at 7:30pm
MARYLAND
Monday, February 24th
Spring 2014 General Body Meeting
1224 Juan Ramon Jimenez Building
If you want to get involved with SJP, learn a little more about what we’re about, or learn about our campaigns and events this semester, come to our GBM this Monday!
Facebook event: http://tinyurl.com/SpringGBM
Tuesday, February 25th
The Wall Must Fall
Stop by the McKeldin Mall sundial where we will have a replica of the West Bank apartheid wall and SJP members can answer any questions you may have!
Facebook event: http://tinyurl.com/WallMustFall
Thursday, February 27th
The Crisis in Yarmouk
1226 Juan Ramon Jimenez Building
Nidal Bitari discusses the crisis and siege in the Yarmouk Palestinian refugee camp in Syria.
Facebook event: http://tinyurl.com/CrisisInYarmouk
Sunday, March 2nd
BOYCOTT AIPAC Protest
Protest the AIPAC convention outside of the Washington Convention Center.
Facebook event: http://tinyurl.com/BoycottAIPAC


PHILADELPHIA
Students for Justice in Palestine at Temple University
March 18th: David Sheen’s talk about racism against Africans in Israel
March 25th: PCRF teach in
March 27th:  Josh Ruebner’s book discussion “Shattered Hopes”
March 28th: Saed Atshan on Pinkwashing
March 31st: Connecting Struggles “Black and Palestinian struggles”

SEATTLE
Dates:  Feb 24th -March 2nd
All week – Israeli Apartheid wall in the Quad at the University of Washington in collaboration with MECHA to draw a connection between the Apartheid Wall in Palestine and the Mexican- American border wall.
Monday 24th – Friday 28th: Tabling and handing out flyers and materials.
-Palestine Solidarity Committee (PSC) and Northwest BDS Coalition
Saturday March 1, 2:00pm - TELL BARTELL vigil outside Bartell drugstores in Seattle to tell Bartell to stop selling SodaStream.  Contact edmast1@gmail.com for info.
-Seattle Mideast Awareness Campaign (SeaMAC) has just launched a new bus ad which will run through Israeli Apartheid Week.  Press release below.
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
February 20, 2014
Contact: press@SeaMAC.org
Edward Mast   (206) 633-1086
Carla Curio (206) 450-0706
Peter Lippman (206) 285-2154
SeaMAC launches new ad campaign in honor of Nelson Mandela
Seattle Mideast Awareness Campaign (SeaMAC), in collaboration with Palestine Solidarity Committee (PSC), has launched a new ad on King County Metro buses this week in honor of  Nelson Mandela.  The bus ad is timed to coincide with Israeli Apartheid Week at universities in the United States and around the world.
Alongside a picture of Nelson Mandela, the bus ad quotes what Mandela said in 1997: “Our freedom is incomplete without the freedom of the Palestinians.”  The ads will run on four buses for four weeks.  Photo available on request.



Nelson Mandela was one of many South African activists who have stated that Palestinians under Israel’s occupation live in conditions as bad or worse than those of the black majority in old South Africa under apartheid.  In April 2010, Desmond Tutu wrote “I have been to the Occupied Palestinian Territory, and I have witnessed the racially segregated roads and housing that reminded me so much of the conditions we experienced in South Africa under the racist system of Apartheid.”
SeaMAC board member Ruth McRee says “Some people deny that Israel is an apartheid state because about 20% of Palestinians under Israel’s control are allowed to vote and have some other civil rights.  If old South Africa had allowed only 20% of the black majority to vote, would we have said that Apartheid had ended?”
Inside Israel, over a million Palestinians citizens are subject to over 50 laws that discriminate against them and in favor of Israeli Jews. Most prominently, Israel’s Law of Return allows anyone who is Jewish to become an instant citizen of Israel, no matter where they are from; while many Palestinians in exile are not allowed to return to Israel even if they were born there.  In the West Bank, Palestinians live under Israeli military law and are not allowed to vote in Israel’s elections, while Israeli Jewish settlers live under Israeli civil law and do vote in Israel’s elections.
Press packet available on request.
The bus ad will run during Israeli Apartheid Week, an international series of events that seeks to raise awareness about Israel’s apartheid policies towards the Palestinians.  Dates for Israeli Apartheid Week in the U.S. are February 24 through March 2.  Local Seattle actions during that week will include:
• Palestine Solidarity Committee will hold a demonstration outside Bartell Drugs on March 1 to demand that Bartell stop selling the Israeli settlement product SodaStream.
• Antioch University will have free educational sessions and films, plus a mock Israeli checkpoint, Feb. 25-27.
• Students United for Palestinian Equal Rights (SUPER-UW) will have a mock Israeli Apartheid Wall in Red Square at the University of Washington M-F, 11-1,
SeaMAC’s bus ad also references the recent decision by the United Nations General Assembly to declare 2014 the Year of Solidarity with the Palestinian People.
Seattle Mideast Awareness Campaign (SeaMAC) continues to launch new ads despite recent censorship and unequal treatment by King County.
In December 2010, King County Metro refused to run a SeaMAC ad which called attention to Israeli war crimes committed against Palestinians living in the Gaza Strip during Israel’s Operation Cast Lead in 2008-2009, despite the fact that these crimes were documented by the United Nations Human Rights Commission, Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and the International Red Cross.  ACLU is representing SeaMAC in a lawsuit against King County for that 2010 rejection.  The parties are currently awaiting an opinion from the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals in that matter.
King County Metro more recently ran an ad from the American Freedom Defense Initiative that made false accusations against Palestinians.  King County later rejected another ad from SeaMAC about Israel’s segregated roads, even though SeaMAC provided supporting documentation from the United Nations, Human Rights Watch, and Israeli human rights group B’Tselem.
The Seattle Mideast Awareness Campaign is incorporated as a non-profit corporation in Washington State and as a 501 (c)(3) organization under Federal tax code.
E em outros lugares como: Albuquerque, Dearborn, Minnesota, Ohio, Olympia, Omaha, Toledo.  


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