Na Cisjordânia, os palestinos se mobilizaram em várias cidades e a bem programada repressão da IDF foi implacável.
Hoje, há 6.670 palestinos detidos em presídios israelenses. Destes, 160 menores de 18 anos. 25, entre 16 e 12 anos.
Inside an israeli jail
Israel é o país que detém mais prisioneiros de guerra no planeta.
Desde 1967, Israel prendeu 800 mil palestinos. O que concretamente representa 40% da população dos territórios ocupados. Ou seja, toda família foi afetada direta ou indiretamente pela estratégia de sequestro e detenção que Israel usa há décadas.
Enduring Israeli prison walls
Dito isto, o número de prisioneiros está longe de ser exato. Pois a Palestina inteira é uma prisão disfarçada em nação ocupada.
A Cisjordânia é cheia de soldados e colonos estrangeiros no solo, muros por todos os lados cortando seu território, drones no ar vigiando o tempo todo e os palestinos precisam de autorização israelense para atravessar a fronteira da Linha Verde e da Jordânia.
Cruelty inside prison walls
A Faixa de Gaza é trancada por todos os lados: terra, ar e mar. Sua população carceral é de 1milhão800mil. 4.073 presos por km². 45% menores de 14 anos...
A Palestina é sim a maior prisão do planeta.
What is Freedom for a palestinian prisoner
Palestinian teenager talks about abuse in Israeli prison (2')
Bil'in, Cisjordânia
ABC Australia. Kerry O'Brien, Stone cold justice (44'):
Israeli kidnappingn detetion, torture and abuse of Palestinian children
Em julho de 2013, a prisão de uma criança de 5 anos choca
Em 2011, outras imagens divulgadas pela Sky News já chocara.
De um menininho de 5 anos desentendido com a prisão do pai.
Acontecimento corriqueiro na Cisjordânia.
Illegal Israeli settlers tax palestinians
Segundo seu representante James Rawley, "The crisis affecting Palestinians' lives, liberties, security movement and access stemmed from the "prolonged [Israeli] occupation..., alongside a system of policies that undermine the ability of Palestinians to live normal, self-sustaining lives. If these factors were removed, Palestinians would be self-sufficient and capable of developing their own institutions and economy without the need for any humanitarian assistance.
2014 was a devastating year for Palestinians in the [occupied territories]" said James Rawley, the UN Humanitarian Coordinator for the territories.
Continued occupation undermines the ability of Palestinians to live normal lives. Were these factors removed and related policies changed, international humanitarian assistance would not be necessary here."
Segundo Fragmented Lives, na Cisjordânia, a IDF e os colonos ilegais assassinaram 58 palestinos, feriram gravemente mais de 6.000, e deixaram 1.215 desabrigados por demolição ilegal de suas casas.
Embora as demolições de imóveis palestinos na Área C - 60% da Cisjordânia, sob controle exclusivo de Israel - tenha diminuído no ano passado, houve um amento de 20 por cento de demolições de residências na mesma área.
"Settlement and settler activity continued, in contravention of international law, and contributed to humanitarian vulnerability of affected Palestinian communities."
Voices from the West Bank - Vozes da Cisjordânia (2014-18')
"In 2014, Gaza witnessed the highest rate of internal displacement since 1967... More than 28 percent of the population, were internally displaced."
A reconstrução da Faixa está em câmera lenta por causa do bloqueio israelense. Foi a condição sine qua non para trégua e Israel não cumpriu a palavra, como sempre.
Documentário Cisjordânia: Área C
A ocupação e o bloqueio continuam inclementes.
Israel continua a explorar a mão-de-obra infantil palestina nas colônias ilegalmente.
A perversidade do sistema de ocupação israelense é impressionante. Os colonos chegam da Europa, roubam as terras dos palestinos, destroem suas lavouras e usam as terras roubadas para cultivar e produzir e exportar com a etiqueta "Vale do Jordão" (Que vale dizer, têm de ser boicotados - consulte o código barra 729).
E ainda por cima, desfrutam de mão-de-obra barata de funcionários públicos sem salário, de camponeses despossuídos de seu ganha pão e de seus filhos menores que se veem obrigados a trabalhar para os invasores para alimentar suas famílias. É ou não é incrível?
Adultos e meninos de 10 a 16 anos, começam a trabalhar às 5 horas da manhã, sem parar, até as 14 horas, de segunda a domingo. Nove horas de trabalho diário ininterrupto por cerca de US$14. Cinquenta por cento do salário mínimo israelense para o mesmo tipo de tarefa, por menos tempo.
Ismail, um dos bóias-frias de 16 anos, do vilarejo de Al Zubeidat, disse que teve de abandonar os estudos para trabalhar na colônia de Argaman para alimentar seus 12 familiares e ajudar a pagar a universidade do irmão mais velho. "I want to continue going to school in the future, hopefully... before I become too old to finish. Now I cannot go back because money for the family is our necessity and this is what needs to be done."
O número de palestinos trabalhando em colônias israelenses ilegais vai de 10 a 20 mil por estação, segundo o Ma'an Development Centre, uma ONG de Ramallah. Os menores constituem cerca de 10 por cento dos empregados.
Israel continua a explorar a mão-de-obra infantil palestina nas colônias ilegalmente.
A perversidade do sistema de ocupação israelense é impressionante. Os colonos chegam da Europa, roubam as terras dos palestinos, destroem suas lavouras e usam as terras roubadas para cultivar e produzir e exportar com a etiqueta "Vale do Jordão" (Que vale dizer, têm de ser boicotados - consulte o código barra 729).
E ainda por cima, desfrutam de mão-de-obra barata de funcionários públicos sem salário, de camponeses despossuídos de seu ganha pão e de seus filhos menores que se veem obrigados a trabalhar para os invasores para alimentar suas famílias. É ou não é incrível?
Adultos e meninos de 10 a 16 anos, começam a trabalhar às 5 horas da manhã, sem parar, até as 14 horas, de segunda a domingo. Nove horas de trabalho diário ininterrupto por cerca de US$14. Cinquenta por cento do salário mínimo israelense para o mesmo tipo de tarefa, por menos tempo.
Ismail, um dos bóias-frias de 16 anos, do vilarejo de Al Zubeidat, disse que teve de abandonar os estudos para trabalhar na colônia de Argaman para alimentar seus 12 familiares e ajudar a pagar a universidade do irmão mais velho. "I want to continue going to school in the future, hopefully... before I become too old to finish. Now I cannot go back because money for the family is our necessity and this is what needs to be done."
Dangerous Palestinian child labour in Israeli colonies
"Most kids look at working in settlements as the only option to get a better life," disse Chris Michael, do Ma'an Development Centre. "There are many cases of men in their thirties or forties who have been working in settlements since they were 14." Isto por causa da dificuldade de acesso dos palestinos da Área C ao estudo, a trabalho digno e sobretudo pelo confisco de suas terras que eram seu meio de subsistência e de vida.
Segundo o Ma'an, "approximately 10,000 children living in Area 'C' started the 2011/12 school year learning in tents, caravans, or tin shacks which lack protection from the heat and cold. Furthermore, nearly a third of Area 'C' schools lack adequate water and sanitation facilities". O relatório, Parallel Realities: Israeli Settlements and Palestinian communities in the Jordan Valley, denuncia também as demolições sistemáticas das escolas palestinas na área.
95% do Vale do Jordão fica na denominada Área C nos Acordos de Oslo. Área sob "controle de segurança" absoluto de Israel. Por isso, as colônias e empresas como Soda Stream proliferam em toda ilegalidade e os palestinos estão sendo banidos sistematicamente de suas casas, terras e virando mão-de-obra super-barata para os invasores.
"You have a lot of Palestinian villages that have agricultural land in Area C, which means Palestinian families need permits to get to it, that there are certain hours they're allowed to go, and that they're only permitted to use certain equipment, all meaning they cannot compete with the Israeli settlers for exports - in terms of pricing or quality," Michael said. "So they end up leasing their land and leaving for work in the nearby settlements." O Vale do Jordão tem potencial para ser o celeiro da Palestina inteira - da Cisjordânia e da Faixa de Gaza graças às suas terras férteis. É por isso que Israel surrupiou a área; a fim de esfomear os palestinos. "Very little land or access to aquifers are available to Palestinians, who are confined to only about five percent of the territory - making it difficult to cultivate or develop crops. Harsh living conditions that are a direct result of Israeli land confiscations, control of water resources and the separation wall eventually push Palestinians to work inside illegal settlements".
Cerca de 60 mil palestinos ainda vivem em seus vilarejos milenares no Vale do Jordão e resistem às pressões e demolições. Israel construiu 37 colônias ilegais no meio deles, onde vivem 9.500 colonos Kav LaOved, um ativista israelense de direitos do trabalho, "Israeli employers in the settlements and industrial zones in the West Bank continue to routinely deny the rights of their Palestinian workers on a much larger scale... This gross violation of Palestinians' labour rights by Israeli employers in the West Bank is made possible because there is almost no law enforcement against violators".
A "contratação" de menores nativos para trabalhar nas invasões israelenses passa por um waseet - atravessador palestino que coleta comissão de um mês de salário. "The waseet goes after kids because he knows he can exploit them. So this is another way the settlers can get away with it; they can claim ignorance by laying responsibility at the door of their "labour organiser'. Children who aren't from the area are forced to live in squalid conditions in humid storage units, sometimes 20 at a time. The fact that most of the Jordan Valley can't be developed, even though Palestinians are 85 per cent of the population there, forces these children to say: 'This is my life, my father can't work, my brother is at university, so working in settlements is our only means of survival.' That's the general mindset." Constata um ativista pesaroso.
E o Supremo Tribunal de Israel cancelou parte da lei aprovada pelo Knesset de proibir os cidadãos israelenses de boicotarem produtos das colônias ilegais na Cisjordânia. A lei aprovada pelos juízes continua anti-democrática, pois proibe incitação ao boicote, mas não pune mais quem boicota.
"This week I won a dubious distinction: a groundbreaking Supreme Court judgment has been named after me. It is an honor I would have gladly dispensed with.
My name appeared at the head of a list of applicants, associations and individuals, which asked the court to cancel a law enacted by the Knesset.
Israel has no written constitution. This unusual situation arose right from the beginning of the state because David Ben-Gurion, a fierce secularist, could not achieve a compromise with the orthodox parties, which insisted that the Torah already is a constitution.
So, instead of a constitution, we have a number of Basic Laws which cover only a part of the ground, and a mass of Supreme Court precedents. This court slowly arrogated to itself the right to abolish Laws enacted by the Knesset which contradict the nonexistent constitution.
Enquanto isso, Biniamyn Netanyahu continua sua campanha de inviabilização do Estado da Palestina independente e autônomo. Jerusalém é a prova evidente do sucesso de seu projeto de limpeza étnica.
Segundo o Ma'an, "approximately 10,000 children living in Area 'C' started the 2011/12 school year learning in tents, caravans, or tin shacks which lack protection from the heat and cold. Furthermore, nearly a third of Area 'C' schools lack adequate water and sanitation facilities". O relatório, Parallel Realities: Israeli Settlements and Palestinian communities in the Jordan Valley, denuncia também as demolições sistemáticas das escolas palestinas na área.
95% do Vale do Jordão fica na denominada Área C nos Acordos de Oslo. Área sob "controle de segurança" absoluto de Israel. Por isso, as colônias e empresas como Soda Stream proliferam em toda ilegalidade e os palestinos estão sendo banidos sistematicamente de suas casas, terras e virando mão-de-obra super-barata para os invasores.
Cerca de 60 mil palestinos ainda vivem em seus vilarejos milenares no Vale do Jordão e resistem às pressões e demolições. Israel construiu 37 colônias ilegais no meio deles, onde vivem 9.500 colonos Kav LaOved, um ativista israelense de direitos do trabalho, "Israeli employers in the settlements and industrial zones in the West Bank continue to routinely deny the rights of their Palestinian workers on a much larger scale... This gross violation of Palestinians' labour rights by Israeli employers in the West Bank is made possible because there is almost no law enforcement against violators".
Jewish Settlers: Destroying Palestinian Olive trees
Atenção! How Israeli Settlers deceive the International Community
and us, buyers
and us, buyers
"This week I won a dubious distinction: a groundbreaking Supreme Court judgment has been named after me. It is an honor I would have gladly dispensed with.
My name appeared at the head of a list of applicants, associations and individuals, which asked the court to cancel a law enacted by the Knesset.
Israel has no written constitution. This unusual situation arose right from the beginning of the state because David Ben-Gurion, a fierce secularist, could not achieve a compromise with the orthodox parties, which insisted that the Torah already is a constitution.
So, instead of a constitution, we have a number of Basic Laws which cover only a part of the ground, and a mass of Supreme Court precedents. This court slowly arrogated to itself the right to abolish Laws enacted by the Knesset which contradict the nonexistent constitution.
Starting from the last Knesset, extreme right-wing Likud Members have been competing with each other in their efforts to castrate the Supreme Court one way or another. Some would stuff the court with right-wing judges, others would radically limit its jurisdiction.
Things came to a head when a group of far-right Likud members launched a veritable avalanche of bills which were clearly unconstitutional. One of them, and the most dangerous one, was a law that forbade people to call for a boycott of the State of Israel and, in a sinister way, added the words "and of territories held by it".
This revealed the real aim of the operation. Some years before, our Gush Shalom peace organization had called on the public to boycott the products of the settlements in the occupied territories. We also published on our website a list of these products. Several other peace organizations joined the campaign.
Simultaneously, we tried to convince the European Union to do something similar. Israel's agreement with the EU, which exempts Israeli wares from customs, does not include the settlements. But the EU was used to closing its eyes. It took us a lot of time and effort to open them again. In recent years, the EU has excluded these goods. They have demanded that on all merchandise "made in Israel", the actual place of origin be stated. This week, 16 European foreign ministers called upon the EU foreign affairs chief to demand that all products from the settlements be clearly marked.
The law passed by the Knesset not only has criminal aspects, but also civil ones. Persons calling for a boycott could not only be sent to prison. They could also be ordered to pay huge damages without the plaintiff having to prove that any actual damage had been caused to him or her by the call.
Also, associations which receive government subsidies or other governmental assistance under existing laws would be deprived of them from then on, making their work for peace and social justice even more difficult.
Within minutes after the enactment of this law, Gush Shalom and I personally submitted our applications to the Supreme Court. They had been prepared well in advance by advocate Gaby Lasky, a talented young lawyer and dedicated peace activist. My name was the first in the list of petitioners, and so the case is called: "Avnery v. the State of Israel".
The case laid out by Lasky was logical and sound. The right of free speech is not guaranteed in Israel by any specific law, but is derived from several Basic Laws. A boycott is a legitimate democratic action. Any individual can decide to buy or not to buy something. Indeed, Israel is full of boycotts. Shops selling non-kosher food, for example, are routinely boycotted by the religious, and posters calling for such boycotts of a specific shop are widely distributed in religious neighborhoods.
The new law does not prohibit boycotts in general. It singles out political boycotts of a certain kind. Yet political boycotts are commonplace in any democracy. They are part of the exercise of freedom of speech.
Indeed, the most famous modern boycott was launched by the Jewish community in the United States in 1933, after the Nazis came to power in Germany. In response, the Nazis called for a boycott of all Jewish enterprises in Germany. I remember the date, April 1, because my father did not allow me to go to school on that day (I was 9 years old and the only Jew in my school.)
Later, all progressive countries joined in a boycott of the racist regime in South Africa. That boycott played a large (though not decisive) role in bringing it down.
A law cannot generally compel a person to buy a normal commodity, nor can it generally forbid them to buy it. Even the framers of this new Israeli law understood this. Therefore, their law does not punish anybody for buying or not buying. It punishes those who call on others to abstain from buying.
Thus the law is clearly an attack on the freedom of speech and on non-violent democratic action. In short, it is a basically flawed anti-democratic law.
The court which judged our case consisted of nine judges, almost the entire Supreme Court. Such a composition is very rare, and only summoned when a fateful decision has to be made...
...The court was split – 4 to 4 – between those who wanted to annul the law and those who wanted to uphold it. Gronis joined the pro-law section and the law was approved. It is now the Law of the Land. One section of the original law was, unanimously, stricken from the text. The original text said that any person - i.e. settler – who claims that they have been harmed by the boycott, can claim unlimited indemnities from anyone who has called for this boycott, without having to prove that they were actually hurt. From now on, a claimant has to prove the damage.
At the public hearing of our case, we were asked by the judges if we would be satisfied if they strike out the words "territories held by Israel", thus leaving the boycott of the settlements intact. We answered that in principle we insist on annulling the entire law, but would welcome the striking out of these words. But in the final judgment, even this was not done.
This, by the way, creates an absurd situation. If a professor in Ariel University, deep in the occupied territories, claims that I have called to boycott him, he can sue me. Then my lawyer will try to prove that my call went quite unheeded and therefore caused no damage, while the professor will have to prove that my voice was so influential that multitudes were induced to boycott him....
... Years ago... During my interview with him [Supreme court judge Aharon Barak], Barak told me: "Look, the Supreme Court has no legions to enforce its decisions. It is entirely dependent on the attitude of the people. It can go no further than the people are ready to accept!"
I constantly remember this injunction. Therefore I was not too surprised by the judgment of the Supreme Court in the boycott case.
The Court was afraid. It's as simple as that. And as understandable.
The fight between the Supreme Court and the Likud's far-right is nearing a climax. The Likud has just won a decisive election victory. Its leaders are not hiding their intention to finally implement their sinister designs on the independence of the Court.
They want to allow politicians to dominate the appointment committee for Supreme Court judges and to abolish altogether the right of the court to annul unconstitutional laws enacted by the Knesset.
Menachen Begin used to quote the miller of Potsdam who, when involved with the King in a private dispute, exclaimed: "There are still judges in Berlin!"
Begin said: "There are still judges in Jerusalem!" For how long?
Uri Avnery. 18/04/15
Enquanto isso, Biniamyn Netanyahu continua sua campanha de inviabilização do Estado da Palestina independente e autônomo. Jerusalém é a prova evidente do sucesso de seu projeto de limpeza étnica.
Al Jazeera World: Jerusalem hitting home
THE STRUGGLE FOR PALESTINE: WHAT’S WINNABLE, WHAT’S NOT. JAMIE STERN-WEINER. April 8th, 2015. This article was originally published on (www.truthdig.com).
Jerusalém: Home demolitions / Demolições quotidianas
Jerusalém: Home demolitions / Demolições quotidianas
YARMOUK: Inferno na Terra.
O massacre continua no campo de refugiados palestino Síria
1. REPORT from the Palestinian Centre for Human Rights : Weekly Report On Israeli Human Rights Violations in the Occupied Palestinian Territory . 16 April 2015
2. Boicote continua a arma cívica mais eficiente: Israel divestment efforts increasing on U.S. campuses. Princeton undergrads voting on divestment resolution this week.
3. By Debra Nussbaum Cohen | Apr. 20, 2015 4. Israel "directly targeted" children in drone strikes on Gaza, says rights group. Rania Khalek on Friday 04/17/2015. Almost 70 percent of children killed by Israel in Gaza last summer were less than twelve years old.
Vídeo do Prisoner's Day em 2014
"This week I won a dubious distinction: a groundbreaking Supreme Court judgment has been named after me. It is an honor I would have gladly dispensed with.
My name appeared at the head of a list of applicants, associations and individuals, which asked the court to cancel a law enacted by the Knesset.
Israel has no written constitution. This unusual situation arose right from the beginning of the state because David Ben-Gurion, a fierce secularist, could not achieve a compromise with the orthodox parties, which insisted that the Torah already is a constitution.
So, instead of a constitution, we have a number of Basic Laws which cover only a part of the ground, and a mass of Supreme Court precedents. This court slowly arrogated to itself the right to abolish Laws enacted by the Knesset which contradict the nonexistent constitution.
Starting from the last Knesset, extreme right-wing Likud Members have been competing with each other in their efforts to castrate the Supreme Court one way or another. Some would stuff the court with right-wing judges, others would radically limit its jurisdiction.
Things came to a head when a group of far-right Likud members launched a veritable avalanche of bills which were clearly unconstitutional. One of them, and the most dangerous one, was a law that forbade people to call for a boycott of the State of Israel and, in a sinister way, added the words "and of territories held by it".
This revealed the real aim of the operation. Some years before, our Gush Shalom peace organization had called on the public to boycott the products of the settlements in the occupied territories. We also published on our website a list of these products. Several other peace organizations joined the campaign.
Simultaneously, we tried to convince the European Union to do something similar. Israel's agreement with the EU, which exempts Israeli wares from customs, does not include the settlements. But the EU was used to closing its eyes. It took us a lot of time and effort to open them again. In recent years, the EU has excluded these goods. They have demanded that on all merchandise "made in Israel", the actual place of origin be stated. This week, 16 European foreign ministers called upon the EU foreign affairs chief to demand that all products from the settlements be clearly marked.
The law passed by the Knesset not only has criminal aspects, but also civil ones. Persons calling for a boycott could not only be sent to prison. They could also be ordered to pay huge damages without the plaintiff having to prove that any actual damage had been caused to him or her by the call.
Also, associations which receive government subsidies or other governmental assistance under existing laws would be deprived of them from then on, making their work for peace and social justice even more difficult.
Within minutes after the enactment of this law, Gush Shalom and I personally submitted our applications to the Supreme Court. They had been prepared well in advance by advocate Gaby Lasky, a talented young lawyer and dedicated peace activist. My name was the first in the list of petitioners, and so the case is called: "Avnery v. the State of Israel".
The case laid out by Lasky was logical and sound. The right of free speech is not guaranteed in Israel by any specific law, but is derived from several Basic Laws. A boycott is a legitimate democratic action. Any individual can decide to buy or not to buy something. Indeed, Israel is full of boycotts. Shops selling non-kosher food, for example, are routinely boycotted by the religious, and posters calling for such boycotts of a specific shop are widely distributed in religious neighborhoods.
The new law does not prohibit boycotts in general. It singles out political boycotts of a certain kind. Yet political boycotts are commonplace in any democracy. They are part of the exercise of freedom of speech.
Indeed, the most famous modern boycott was launched by the Jewish community in the United States in 1933, after the Nazis came to power in Germany. In response, the Nazis called for a boycott of all Jewish enterprises in Germany. I remember the date, April 1, because my father did not allow me to go to school on that day (I was 9 years old and the only Jew in my school.)
Later, all progressive countries joined in a boycott of the racist regime in South Africa. That boycott played a large (though not decisive) role in bringing it down.
A law cannot generally compel a person to buy a normal commodity, nor can it generally forbid them to buy it. Even the framers of this new Israeli law understood this. Therefore, their law does not punish anybody for buying or not buying. It punishes those who call on others to abstain from buying.
Thus the law is clearly an attack on the freedom of speech and on non-violent democratic action. In short, it is a basically flawed anti-democratic law.
The court which judged our case consisted of nine judges, almost the entire Supreme Court. Such a composition is very rare, and only summoned when a fateful decision has to be made...
...The court was split – 4 to 4 – between those who wanted to annul the law and those who wanted to uphold it. Gronis joined the pro-law section and the law was approved. It is now the Law of the Land. One section of the original law was, unanimously, stricken from the text. The original text said that any person - i.e. settler – who claims that they have been harmed by the boycott, can claim unlimited indemnities from anyone who has called for this boycott, without having to prove that they were actually hurt. From now on, a claimant has to prove the damage.
At the public hearing of our case, we were asked by the judges if we would be satisfied if they strike out the words "territories held by Israel", thus leaving the boycott of the settlements intact. We answered that in principle we insist on annulling the entire law, but would welcome the striking out of these words. But in the final judgment, even this was not done.
This, by the way, creates an absurd situation. If a professor in Ariel University, deep in the occupied territories, claims that I have called to boycott him, he can sue me. Then my lawyer will try to prove that my call went quite unheeded and therefore caused no damage, while the professor will have to prove that my voice was so influential that multitudes were induced to boycott him....
... Years ago... During my interview with him [Supreme court judge Aharon Barak], Barak told me: "Look, the Supreme Court has no legions to enforce its decisions. It is entirely dependent on the attitude of the people. It can go no further than the people are ready to accept!"
I constantly remember this injunction. Therefore I was not too surprised by the judgment of the Supreme Court in the boycott case.
The Court was afraid. It's as simple as that. And as understandable.
The fight between the Supreme Court and the Likud's far-right is nearing a climax. The Likud has just won a decisive election victory. Its leaders are not hiding their intention to finally implement their sinister designs on the independence of the Court.
They want to allow politicians to dominate the appointment committee for Supreme Court judges and to abolish altogether the right of the court to annul unconstitutional laws enacted by the Knesset.
Menachen Begin used to quote the miller of Potsdam who, when involved with the King in a private dispute, exclaimed: "There are still judges in Berlin!"
Begin said: "There are still judges in Jerusalem!" For how long?
Uri Avnery. 18/04/15
Yemenis' families suffer from bombing
Era de se esperar que a Arábia Saudita arregimentasse os países árabes para atacar o Yêmen. O enfraquecimento do Egito e da Síria privou os países árabes de líder, portanto, desde 2011 que os príncipes sauditas cobiçam a liderança originando uma guerra fria com o Irã com ajuda dos Estados Unidos.
Foi então que o Irã aproximou-se da Rússia para não ser esmagado como a Palestina.
Se desse para comparar o grau de arbitrariedade em regimes autoritários, os princípes sauditas ganhariam de lavada nos aiatolás iranianos. Ryad é uma capital sombria, sem cultura, onde as mulheres não podem nem dirigir carro quanto mais ter perspectiva de ocupar lugar de destaque na sociedade. São cidadãs de segunda classe. Teerã é uma cidade em que a cultura persa se mistura com a contemporânea e se manifesta em campos intelectuais e artísticos variados, do cinema, ao teatro, às universidades onde as mulheres ocupam lugares de destaque e depois viram médicas, empresárias, advogadas e arquitetas de sucesso como a jovem Leila Araghian. Contanto que ponham um lenço na cabeça fora de casa e não contestem demais o governo, é claro.
Foi então que o Irã aproximou-se da Rússia para não ser esmagado como a Palestina.
Se desse para comparar o grau de arbitrariedade em regimes autoritários, os princípes sauditas ganhariam de lavada nos aiatolás iranianos. Ryad é uma capital sombria, sem cultura, onde as mulheres não podem nem dirigir carro quanto mais ter perspectiva de ocupar lugar de destaque na sociedade. São cidadãs de segunda classe. Teerã é uma cidade em que a cultura persa se mistura com a contemporânea e se manifesta em campos intelectuais e artísticos variados, do cinema, ao teatro, às universidades onde as mulheres ocupam lugares de destaque e depois viram médicas, empresárias, advogadas e arquitetas de sucesso como a jovem Leila Araghian. Contanto que ponham um lenço na cabeça fora de casa e não contestem demais o governo, é claro.
Yemen's humanitarian crisis worsens
A ONU aprovou na semana passada a Resolução de embargo de armas aos Houthis proposta pela Jordânia em concertação com a Arábia Saudita e os EUA. Embargo vão, acho. A demanda incial era : "that the Houthis immediately and unconditionally end all violence and withdraw their forces from the capital Sanaa and other areas they have seized since September 2014; demands that the rebel group give up all arms and missiles seized from military and security facilities, stop acting like a government, and release the defence minister and all political prisoners; and impose a global asset freeze and travel ban on Ahmed Saleh, the former head of Yemen's elite Republican Guard, and on Abdulmalik al-Houthi, a top leader of the Shia Houthi group." Esta última parte foi adiada, pois Saleh tem as costas quentes.
Resolução de embargo em debate
No Yêmen há um costume tribal arraigado de porte de arma. É o único país que conheço em que os homens andam pelas ruas com rifles ou AK47 (falsificada) penduradas no ombro como as mulheres carregam bolsa a tiracolo.
É certo que no caso de invasão estas armas seriam usadas como já foram anteriormente, inclusive contra a intervenção militar egípcia na década de 1960 sob a liderança do presidente Gamal Nasser. O Yêmen é conhecido como um cemitério para invasores. Se não fosse, a Arábia Saudita já o teria "incorporado" a seu grande território há muito tempo. Vontade não falta. Além do petróleo, é um país cuja beleza tira o fôlego.
Uma intervenção estrangeira terrestre hoje, só serviria de propaganda para os Houthis que se apresentam como a única força patriótica. Eles conhecem o país de norte a sul e o potencial de apoio de cada região, província e tribo, ao contrário dos estrangeiros que chegariam pisando em areia movediça.
Sem contar que o Al-Qaeda poderia aproveitar-se da situação para expandir seus horizontes - já está dando uns passos até arrojados no sul do país atacando prisões e uma das residências do presidente. Trocando em miúdos, invasão terrestre é absurda; as perdas civis seriam imensas e gerariam insatisfação popular nos países invasores.
A diplomacia continua sendo o único meio de solucionar conflitos. Neste caso, o Irã tem de ser protagonista de qualquer movimento neste sentido.
A situação está tão difícil que o enviado da ONU, Jamal Benomar, encarregado de monitorar a crise desde o início da Primavera Àrabe, entregou os pontos logo que ficou sabendo que o ex-presidente Ali Abdullah Saleh, responsável pelo caos atual, pediu asilo à coalizão árabe que está bombardeando seu país. Benomar entendeu que seu trabalho não servia para nada.
Em vez de ser julgado como seus compatriotas pediam, Saleh vai acabar gozando de sua fortuna em outras paragens.
Enviado da ONU expõe a extensão da crise yemenita
Bahah é o único político yemenita aceito tanto pelos Houthis quanto pelo partido do presidente deposto Saleh.
Bahah foi embaixador no Canadá, foi ministro do petróleo e é da província sulista Hadramut. Talvez conseguisse parar o avanço do Al-Qaeda e até promover uma reunião política entre o Sul e o Norte do país.
Mas para Bahah ter alguma chance de sucesso, não é necessário embargo e sim que os bombardeios estrangeiros parem e que os sauditas e a Casa Branca deixem o Irã intermediar um acordo entre os beligerantes. Pois quer a Arábia Saudita e os EUA queiram quer não, o Irã é o único país com influência real sobre os protagonistas oficiais. Que juntos, poderiam combater o Al-Qaeda que os EUA vêm bombardeando há anos com seus drones e apesar disso a influência do grupo terrorista só vem aumentando justamente por posar de combatente pela autonomia.
Bombas nunca resolveram nada. É por causa delas que o império estadunidense está à beira do colapso em menos de cem anos.
Mas para Bahah ter alguma chance de sucesso, não é necessário embargo e sim que os bombardeios estrangeiros parem e que os sauditas e os gringos deixem o Irã intermediar um acordo entre os beligerantes. Pois quer a Arábia Saudita e os EUA queiram quer não, o Irã é o único país com influência real sobre os protagonistas oficiais. Que juntos, poderiam combater o Al-Qaeda que os EUA vêm bombardeando há anos e cuja influência só vem aumentando justamente por posar de combatente pela autonomia nacional.
Bombas nunca resolveram nada. É por causa delas e da ganância que o império estadunidense está à beira do colapso em menos de cem anos. É por ser o contrário do Império Romano que onde chegava construía e ajudava o desenvolvimento.
Em 2014 o Irã inaugurou uma obra arquitetônica arrojada, a Pol-e-Tabiat - Ponte Natureza. A obra de 270 metros foi construída sobre a rodovia Modarres, em Teerã, para ligar dois parques no norte do município de Teerã, e é a única ponte que conheço com preocupação cívica de bem estar.
A Pol-e-Tabiat é uma ponte pedestre sociável, inusitada, com três camadas, três estruturas qe dão ao visitante perspectivas variadas dependendo do que olham. Uma para barzinhos; outra para ciclismo, corrida, caminhada esportiva; e uma plataforma para ver a rodovia abaixo e as montanhas Alborz que circundam Teerã.
A entrada oeste, pelo parque Ab-o-Atash - Água e Fogo, é a mais bonita. A ponte se abre em 60 metros de jardins que alongam o verde da natureza na estrutura arquitetônica. Do outro lado também, mas este é mais charmoso.
Segundo Leila, "Usually, bridges are designed in a straight line. And that straight line will produce a one point perspective that will tell you to just go. But we want to keep people on the bridge. This bridge is not just a structure to connect from one point to another, but also a place to stay and enjoy."
A ideia do projeto nasceu quando Leila estava na universidade. Estava passeando pelas alamedas arborizadas de sua cidade natal, Teerã, com a amiga Alireza Behzadi e quando chegaram à ponte da rua Zafar viram um sofá e o puxaram para cima da ponte, se sentaram e ficaram admirando a água correr embaixo da ponte batendo papo. Aí ela pensou como seria agradável poder passear e estar socialmente em pontes, por causa do panorama que elas oferecem.
Depois de formada fez o projeto da Pol-e-Tabiat que foi aprovado, executado e acabou de ganhar um prêmio popular na categoria ponte da Architizer, de Nova York. Merecido.
Leila explica: "So when you are walking on it, you don't really see where you are heading, adding to the mystery, as if you are walking on a path." O vídeo acima não lhe faz justiça, mas dá uma ideia.
Se Leila tivesse nascido na Arábia Saudita estaria coberta dos pés à cabeça, sem voz ativa, e a ver navios.
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Bombas nunca resolveram nada. É por causa delas e da ganância que o império estadunidense está à beira do colapso em menos de cem anos. É por ser o contrário do Império Romano que onde chegava construía e ajudava o desenvolvimento.
A Pol-e-Tabiat é uma ponte pedestre sociável, inusitada, com três camadas, três estruturas qe dão ao visitante perspectivas variadas dependendo do que olham. Uma para barzinhos; outra para ciclismo, corrida, caminhada esportiva; e uma plataforma para ver a rodovia abaixo e as montanhas Alborz que circundam Teerã.
A entrada oeste, pelo parque Ab-o-Atash - Água e Fogo, é a mais bonita. A ponte se abre em 60 metros de jardins que alongam o verde da natureza na estrutura arquitetônica. Do outro lado também, mas este é mais charmoso.
Segundo Leila, "Usually, bridges are designed in a straight line. And that straight line will produce a one point perspective that will tell you to just go. But we want to keep people on the bridge. This bridge is not just a structure to connect from one point to another, but also a place to stay and enjoy."
Leila explica: "So when you are walking on it, you don't really see where you are heading, adding to the mystery, as if you are walking on a path." O vídeo acima não lhe faz justiça, mas dá uma ideia.
Se Leila tivesse nascido na Arábia Saudita estaria coberta dos pés à cabeça, sem voz ativa, e a ver navios.
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