A "bomba" geopolítica da semana passada foi o presidente da Palestina - que a mídia chama de Mahmoud Abbas e os palestinos e seus conhecidos chamam de Abu Mazen - finalmente, decidir seguir os repetidos conselhos e recomendações das ONGs internacionais de Direitos Humanos e de personalidades internacionais simpatizantes de sua causa e integrar a International Criminal Court - Corte Penal Internacional, na Háguia.
Eu estava de férias no Patropi quando recebi esta notícia que renova minha fé na humanidade.
Liguei a Globo News e qual não foi minha surpresa quando vi o comentarista da casa criticar acerbamente, de Nova York, o passo que os palestinos deram. Ouvi surpreendida que em seu parecer (ou no dos interesses que ele serve consciente ou inconscientemente) a medida era arriscada e prejudicaria quem? Os palestinos! e que, segundo ele, os palestinos abriram as portas para Israel também apelar para a ICC contra o Hamas e seu presidente, exilado no Qatar, Khaled Meshaal.
Fiquei boquiaberta com a ignorância ou má-fé do colega. Primeiro porque tive dificuldade em entender como ele ousava tomar o partido do rogue state of Israel tão descaradamente.
Segundo por sua ignorância da realidade e da desproporção dos crimes de ocupantes que procedem a uma limpeza étnica calculada, cruel, sistemática, e ocupados que resistem como podem. E por sua ignorância dos fatos.
Israel não aderiu ao ICC (nem seu padrinho EUA). Portanto, não pode dar queixa nenhuma contra ninguém e contra nada. E mesmo que aderisse, seus crimes hediondos na Cisjordânia e na Faixa de Gaza são infinitamente maiores do que as perdas causadas pelo foguetório do Hamas.
A Palestina tem tudo a ganhar. O processo é demorado. Leva de 30 a 60 dias para sua posição no ICC ser efetivada, a queixa registrada e os processos começarem. Em seguida, os acusados não poderão ser presos em território israelense, já que Israel é fora-das-leis internacionais em Direito e de fato, mas poderão ser detidos ao deixarem o país. A não ser que viagem apenas para os Estados Unidos e o Canadá, cúmplices na proteção destes criminosos de guerra e de paz.
Liguei a Globo News e qual não foi minha surpresa quando vi o comentarista da casa criticar acerbamente, de Nova York, o passo que os palestinos deram. Ouvi surpreendida que em seu parecer (ou no dos interesses que ele serve consciente ou inconscientemente) a medida era arriscada e prejudicaria quem? Os palestinos! e que, segundo ele, os palestinos abriram as portas para Israel também apelar para a ICC contra o Hamas e seu presidente, exilado no Qatar, Khaled Meshaal.
Fiquei boquiaberta com a ignorância ou má-fé do colega. Primeiro porque tive dificuldade em entender como ele ousava tomar o partido do rogue state of Israel tão descaradamente.
Segundo por sua ignorância da realidade e da desproporção dos crimes de ocupantes que procedem a uma limpeza étnica calculada, cruel, sistemática, e ocupados que resistem como podem. E por sua ignorância dos fatos.
Israel não aderiu ao ICC (nem seu padrinho EUA). Portanto, não pode dar queixa nenhuma contra ninguém e contra nada. E mesmo que aderisse, seus crimes hediondos na Cisjordânia e na Faixa de Gaza são infinitamente maiores do que as perdas causadas pelo foguetório do Hamas.
A Palestina tem tudo a ganhar. O processo é demorado. Leva de 30 a 60 dias para sua posição no ICC ser efetivada, a queixa registrada e os processos começarem. Em seguida, os acusados não poderão ser presos em território israelense, já que Israel é fora-das-leis internacionais em Direito e de fato, mas poderão ser detidos ao deixarem o país. A não ser que viagem apenas para os Estados Unidos e o Canadá, cúmplices na proteção destes criminosos de guerra e de paz.
O colega está tão enganado que se a integração da Palestina no ICC lhe fosse prejudicial mais do que a Israel (que foi quase seu comentário surreal), Binyamin Netanyahu não teria recorrido ao seu sistema corriqueiro - e ilegal - de pirataria bloqueando a receita palestina em seus bancos. Pois como já expliquei na História do conflito Israel vs Palestina, cada vez que as coisas apertam para Israel ou cada vez que Abu Mazen se rebela contra os excessos do ocupante, o Primeiro Ministro israelense bloqueia os fundos monetários palestinos, que são, por determinação dos famigerados Acordos de Oslo, recolhidos e detidos em bancos israelenses e repassados ao governo palestino a seu bel prazer.
Como sempre, Israel deu o bote quando o Ocidente estava de ressaca da Virada e contando desfrutar o último domingo das festas cristãs de fim de ano na calma e na tranquilidade. O Haaretz deu a notícia no sábado, dia 03 de janeiro e deixou o mundo, uma vez mais, perplexo e indignado com a ousadia de Israel de dar mais este tapa na cara do Direito Internacional.
Desta vez trata-se de cerca de US$127 milhões de dinheiro palestino a ser usado para pagar funcionários e o funcionamento de seu Estado dilacerado. Uma fonte israelense governamental confirmou, off the record, a informação e Saeb Erekat, que há décadas vem liderando as negociações por um Estado, botou a boca no trombone: dizendo que este ato de pirataria é uma punição coletiva contra seu povo: "If Israel thinks that through economic pressure it will succeed in diverting our approach from fereedom and independece, then it is wrong. This is the money of the Palestinian people and Israel is not donor country".
Israel já bloqueou o dinheiro palestino em seus bancos inúmeras vezes. Por dias, semanas ou meses, dependendo da reação rápida ou lenta da "comunidade internacional", e de seu padrinho estadunidense.
Vale lembrar que o confisco de dinheiro palestino é apenas um de vários atos ilegais que Israel comete constante ou esporadicamente contra a Palestina, dentre eles, a expansão das invasões judias na Cisjordânia, falsamente chamadas de assentamentos.
Por isso e por causa da repressão incrementada na Cisjordânia e a recente carnificina da IDF em Gaza, Abu Mazen tem sofrido galopantes pressões internas que o levaram a apelar para a Justiça internacional, já que a ONU cruzava os braços por causa do voto pró-Israel dos EUA no Conselho de Segurança, transformando a relação do Presidente palestino com o Primeiro Ministro israelense de tensas a hostil, abertamente.
É claro que o Hamas também fica vulnerável, mas Abu Mazen não tomou a decisão sozinho e sim em concertação com Khaled Meshaal, que prefere correr o risco do que ficar esperando que Israel resolva voltar a "podar a grama" em Gaza e protagonizar um novo massacre.
Porém, Fatou Bensouda, o promotor da ICC, só pode investigar crimes cometidos após o ingresso da Palestina no Organismo em 2015. Como ela não pode legalmente processar Israel pelos crimes cometidos durante a Operação Protective Edge, a Palestina deve dar à Corte o poder de cobrir eventos passados, inclusive os de julho e agosto de 2014 na Faixa de Gaza. O jornal israelense Haaretz afirmou que Abu Mazen fez a demanda de investigação de todos os crimes e infrações israelenses em território palestino após o dia 13 de junho de 2014. Incluindo assim a repressão massissa, expansão das invasões judias e ações criminosas israelenses civis e militares na Cisjordânia além da chacina na Faixa de Gaza.
Antes da Háguia poder abrir qualquer investigação, a Palestina tem de ratificar o Estatuto de Roma que é o tratado fundador do ICC. Em 2012 o ICC rejeitou uma demanda similar argumentando que era "unclear whether Palestine was a state". Desta vez, entretanto, este argumento será inválido, considerando que a Assembleia da ONU elevou o estatuto da Palestina.
O medo de Israel não é só de ser condenado pelos crimes de guerra. É também pelo crime de ocupação da Palestina no dia a dia e das invasões judias ilegais na Cisjordânia que há décadas infringem as leis internacionais, até esta data, impunemente.
O ICC é lento para agir, portanto, não se pode contar com ações imediatas em resposta às demandas de Abu Mazen, embora já seja público que a incorporação palestina no ICC será efetivada no dia 1° de abril. Contudo, as implicações políticas desta ação palestina são sérias. Além de possibilitar o processo de líderes palestinos e israelenses por crimes de guerra, a IDF irá para o banco dos réus e seus crimes serão revelados ao mundo em minutas públicas incontestáveis. Nem as mentironas e mentirinhas venenosas que destilam na mídia conseguirão abafar a verdade de seus crimes contra a humanidade.
Então, segundo John Dugard, ex-enviado especial da ONU à Palestina, "If Israelis are summoned by the ICC, the West will have to come to termns with the fact that Israel is a criminal state and withdraw its protection".
Então, segundo John Dugard, ex-enviado especial da ONU à Palestina, "If Israelis are summoned by the ICC, the West will have to come to termns with the fact that Israel is a criminal state and withdraw its protection".
É isso que os serial killers Binyamin Netanyahu e sua corja liderada por Avigdor Lieberman temem. É por isso que estão fora do ICC como os Estados Unidos que cometeram tantos outros crimes. Prender George W. Bush e levá-lo a julgamento na Háguia é utopia. Mas Netanyahu, quem sabe, um dia...
E qual foi a reação do EUA em relação à medida israelense de confisco do dinheiro palestino?
Bem, a porta-voz do State Department Jen Psaki a criticou levemente explicando que "We're opposed to any actions that raise tensions. And obviously, this is one that raises tensions," porém, ameaçou os palestinos avisando que qualquer tentativa de "take action against Israeli officials and military leaders at the ICC could have "implications" for US aid to the Palestinian National Authority... Usando a chantagem financeira de sempre. Os argumentos que os EUA e seu afilhado Israel mais prezam: chantagem, promessas vagas, traições de palavra.
Dito tudo isso, concordo plenamente com Matt Carr (link abaixo), com Rami G. Khouri, colunista do jornal libanês Daily Star (link artigo abaixo) e com o palestino Ali Abunimah da Electronic Intifada em sua fala em Democracy Now (acima). A Palestina realmente precisa é que Mahmoud Abbas se aposente e ceda lugar a um verdadeiro líder. Abu Mazen está mais para Thereza Batista cansada de guerra do que para Yasser Arafat. Abu Mazen nunca chegou aos pés de Abu Amar - Yasser Arafat, e jamais chegará. É boa pessoa, isto é inegável, mas quem nasceu para segundo jamais conseguirá comandar.
Abu Mazen não é uma figura firme nem carismática como Abu Amar. Não é temido nem respeitado por seus adversários. A única figura proeminente na Palestina, com características e currículo que rivalizem o de Arafat é Marwan Barghouti. A Palestina precisa dele fora das grades.
Abu Mazen tem de ceder o lugar que nunca foi seu, na verdade. Chegou nele por acidente, por ser considerado manipulável, pelo assassinato de Yasser Arafat. Chegou mal. Fez muita bobagem. Criou muitas divisões. Alienou muitas facções combativas do Fatah. Perseguiu demais os líderes do Hamas. Temo que a Palestina, com Abu Mazen na presidência, mesmo com boa vontade, jamais cheque onde os palestinos merecem e querem chegar. Com Abu Mazen na presidência, os palestinos das diversas facções políticas e religiosas correm o risco de jamais serem totalmente unificados.
Marwan Barghouti é o Nelson Mandela palestino. Melhorado. Tem de ser solto para os palestinos avançarem. Marwan jamais concordaria com a demanda que Abu Mazen fez ao Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas se curvando aos Estados Unidos e mesmo assim ser descartado. A demanda que fez à ONU antes de recorrer ao ICC estava aquém dos direitos e desejos do povo palestino. Os palestinos merecem mais, muito mais. Justiça, no mínimo.
Marwan Barghouti, já!
E qual foi a reação do EUA em relação à medida israelense de confisco do dinheiro palestino?
Bem, a porta-voz do State Department Jen Psaki a criticou levemente explicando que "We're opposed to any actions that raise tensions. And obviously, this is one that raises tensions," porém, ameaçou os palestinos avisando que qualquer tentativa de "take action against Israeli officials and military leaders at the ICC could have "implications" for US aid to the Palestinian National Authority... Usando a chantagem financeira de sempre. Os argumentos que os EUA e seu afilhado Israel mais prezam: chantagem, promessas vagas, traições de palavra.
Abu Mazen não é uma figura firme nem carismática como Abu Amar. Não é temido nem respeitado por seus adversários. A única figura proeminente na Palestina, com características e currículo que rivalizem o de Arafat é Marwan Barghouti. A Palestina precisa dele fora das grades.
Abu Mazen tem de ceder o lugar que nunca foi seu, na verdade. Chegou nele por acidente, por ser considerado manipulável, pelo assassinato de Yasser Arafat. Chegou mal. Fez muita bobagem. Criou muitas divisões. Alienou muitas facções combativas do Fatah. Perseguiu demais os líderes do Hamas. Temo que a Palestina, com Abu Mazen na presidência, mesmo com boa vontade, jamais cheque onde os palestinos merecem e querem chegar. Com Abu Mazen na presidência, os palestinos das diversas facções políticas e religiosas correm o risco de jamais serem totalmente unificados.
Marwan Barghouti é o Nelson Mandela palestino. Melhorado. Tem de ser solto para os palestinos avançarem. Marwan jamais concordaria com a demanda que Abu Mazen fez ao Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas se curvando aos Estados Unidos e mesmo assim ser descartado. A demanda que fez à ONU antes de recorrer ao ICC estava aquém dos direitos e desejos do povo palestino. Os palestinos merecem mais, muito mais. Justiça, no mínimo.
Marwan Barghouti, já!
Inside Story - Palestinian statehood: A lost cause?
"Even though I was at an end-of-year retreat, I stayed up late last Monday to catch the breaking news covering the outcome of a vote that was taking place at the UN Security Council. It concerned a Palestinian proposal "put in blue" to the UN earlier in the week and that Ambassador Dina Kawar of Jordan had submitted to a vote at the Security Council.
Very broadly speaking, this resolution drew yet another roadmap for the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. One key component of this document - that had garnered the support of all 22 Arab states - suggested that there should be a resolution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict by the end of 2017. It also referred, inter alia, to occupation, settlements and Jerusalem.
Having heard about the intense efforts involved with the drafting of this resolution since the end of the Gaza war in August 2014, this was a moment where quite a few people will have bated their collective breaths to see whether it would garner the necessary nine votes in the UNSC and in so doing force the US to veto an Arab-sponsored resolution at a time when Arab countries feature in a US-led coalition against the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) group.
As it happened, the resolution fell one vote short of those nine elusive votes and everybody went home - some much happier than others. But as a result of this defeat, the PA president signed 20 international agreements that included the Rome Statute (of 2002) in a bid to have Palestine - a non-member observer state in the UN - join the ICC and as such be allowed (for his part) to take Israel to the Court in the Hague for war crimes.
Ramifications
So what are the ramifications of this latest episode in the decades-long Palestinian conflict?
The Palestinians were off beam in submitting this resolution at a time when they were unsure they could marshal the requisite votes. Much as PA President Mahmoud Abbas was massively under pressure from the Palestinian street let alone from Hamas to act forcefully, this attempt at "internationalising" the conflict was ill-timed since it will alienate the US Congress further from supporting the PA financially.
It will also encourage the EU to equivocate further with its decisions, and might give right-wing parties in Israel a boost in the Knesset parliamentary elections of 17 March 2015.
Given it was bound to fail at this hurdle, Palestinians and their current legal / political advisors should perhaps have sought different counsel rather than act narrowly and even waited instead for the new non-permanent members of the UNSC to assume their seats in the new year before testing this option.
Equally, the Palestinian Authority should not have heeded to the belligerent but often self-hurting statements of rejectionist fronts and desisted from using this resolution as a red rag in the international arena. Rather, more strategically, it should have suggested to the EU member-states that it was willing to hold back on such a track and - equally critically - on the bid to join the ICC so long as they applied more stringent and less biased measures against settlements and the labelling of products coming into the EU as well as on the freedom of entry of settlers’ leaders into Europe. I am confident those gestures will have been met with positive feedback.
Political fumbling
Instead, we now have a situation where Palestinian political fumbling and personalised decision-making offer Israeli annexationists and anti-two-state-solution advocates the opportunity to make hay with these Palestinian moves and portraying its leadership as aggressive and against any negotiated resolution of the conflict.
But then the penny drops, does it not? What negotiations are we talking about anymore?
This sad reality is what made me scoff in the middle of the night when I heard Ambassador Samantha Power (a diplomat and author I still hold in high respect) talking up the merits of direct negotiations between Israelis and Palestinians.
Alas, Mahmoud Abbas has staked his whole political career, often against considerable odds and despite great opposition let alone treachery, on negotiations but he has been stumped at every turn. Meanwhile, the US let alone the otiose Quartet have exhibited a sorry lack of gumption by failing to support Palestinian claims despite the fact that those are based on principles of International law and undergird international legitimacy.
So how much more desperate and frustrated should the Palestinians become, and how much more should they bend backward, until Israel and the western powers deign to bring closure to the encroaching occupation?
Meanwhile, the two-state solution that has been the mantra of most politicians is fast vanishing as a result of the thicket of illegal settlements and the appropriation of more lands. Besides, with successive Israeli stalling measures, not only are Palestinians suffering an ideological occupation but the very essence of the Zionist dream is also shrivelling as we near a bi-national solution that could be another disaster in the making. Is it not high time to act?
I have never shied away from being critical of the Palestinian leadership whether in the West Bank or Gaza. I have even paraphrased at times the Israeli statesman Abba Eban who uttered once that Arabs never miss an opportunity to miss an opportunity. I am also aware that Palestinians are divided and prey to complicity, intrigue and factionalism. But those are not reasons for me to dampen my unflinching solidarity with a disempowered people or side with an arrogant and harsh victimiser at the expense of a molested and occupied victim - no matter the attributes of the victim. A solution is necessary, and we all are familiar with its contours and parameters. However, nobody seems to have the moral probity or good will let alone sufficient leverage to apply it so that we release ourselves from this endemic conflict.
Some pundits have also claimed that any support for the Palestinians at this volatile stage across the whole MENA region is tantamount to a vote for Islamists. I disagree, and will use the words of no other than Daoud Kamel, the Algerian chronicler in the Oran daily and author of "Meursault, contre-enquete" to rebut this rather puerile peroration.
Selective solidarity
When Daoud Kamel was recently challenged that he had failed to stand in solidarity with Palestinians during the Gaza war last summer, he wrote his piece entitled "Ce pourquoi je ne suis pas 'solidaire' de la Palestine" (12 July 2014) in which he spoke about selective solidarity. Commenting on his own relationships with Islam and Arabism, he also explained that his solidarity with Palestine is not incumbent upon race, ethnicity or religious confession.
Rather, he argued, it is due to an injustice perpetrated against Palestinians whose lands are being colonised by Israeli SETTLERS (and whose olive trees are being uprooted by settlers with unerring frequency). Besides, Kamel segued, such solidarity should not be the responsibility of Arabs alone but that of all men and women worldwide who seek justice.
Much as I disagree with the Palestinian political leadership on their latest moves at the UN, I could not have put it any better than Kamel Daoud. So will those Israeli political and religious leaders who are impervious to this positivist and rights-based discourse listen to what this Algerian writer was writing in his chronicle - and what I humbly also add in my own opinion today after two decades of deep involvement with the Israeli-Palestinian conflict?
It is even sadder when there are so many Israelis and Jews - some of them longstanding friends, acquaintances or colleagues of mine - who are aware of this high-stakes reality facing both peoples and whose legal praxis is indeed inclusive of the other. Will they speak out? Is it not imperative for them to challenge the sterile policies of an Israeli leadership?
Is Palestine on the ropes? Perhaps so, but that is no reason to abandon the arena now, is it?
Dr Harry Hagopian, is a London-based international lawyer, political adviser and ecumenical consultant on the MENA region. He is also a second-track negotiator and works closely with European institutions. 03/01/2015, on Al Jazeera.
Australia's UN vote on Palestine does a disservice to all sides, including Israelis. Bob Carr. 14 Jan 2015: Australia’s voting record at the UN on Israeli-Palestinian issues has changed under the Abbott government. A true friend of Israel should be able to send a message about what Australians think.
Five reasons why 2014 was a game changer for the people of Palestine
Ramzay Baroud . Posted in Stop the War.
2014 was a very painful year for Palestine, but also a year in which the collective resistance of the Palestinian people, and their supporters, proved too strong to bend or break.
2014 was a very painful year for Palestine, but also a year in which the collective resistance of the Palestinian people, and their supporters, proved too strong to bend or break.
"IN TERMS OF losses in human lives, 2014 has been a horrific year for Palestinians, surpassing the horrors of both 2008 and 2009, when an Israeli war against the Gaza Strip killed and wounded thousands.
While some aspects of the conflict are stagnating between a corrupt, ineffectual Palestinian Authority (PA), and the criminality of Israeli wars and occupation, it would also be fair to argue that 2014 was also a game changer to some degree – and it is not all bad news.
To an extent, 2014 has been a year of clarity for those keen to understand the reality of the ‘Palestinian-Israeli conflict’ but were sincerely confused by the contrasting narratives.
Here are some reasons that support the argument that things are changing.
1. A Different Kind of Palestinian Unity
Although the two leading Palestinian parties Hamas and Fatah agreed to a unity government in April, little has changed on the ground. Yes, a government was officially established in June, and held its first meeting in October. But Gaza is effectively still managed by Hamas, which has been largely left alone managing the affairs of the Strip after the Israeli war in July-August. Perhaps Mahmoud Abbas’s authority is hoping that the massive destruction would weaken Hamas into political submission, especially as Egypt continues to seal shut the Rafah border.
But while the factions are failing to unite, the Israeli war on Gaza has inspired a new impetus of struggle in the West Bank. Israeli plans of targeting holy sites in Jerusalem, particularly the al-Aqsa Mosque, coupled with the deep anguish felt by most Palestinians over the massacres carried out by Israel in Gaza, are slowly reverberating into a wave of mini-uprisings.
Some speculate the situation will eventually lead to a massive Intifada that will engulf all of the territories. Whether a third intifada takes place in 2015 or not, is a different question. What matters is that the long-orchestrated plot to divide Palestinians is breaking apart and a new collective narrative of a common struggle against occupation is finally forming.
2. A New Resistance Paradigm
The debate regarding what form of resistance Palestinians should or should not adopt is being sidelined and settled, not by international do-gooders, but by Palestinians themselves. They are opting to use whatever effective form of resistance they can that could deter Israeli military advances, as resistance groups have actively done in Gaza.
Although Israel’s latest war killed nearly 2,200 and wounded over 11,000Palestinians that were mostly civilians, nevertheless, it has still failed to achieve any of its declared or implied objectives. It was another reminder that sheer military strength is no longer the only overriding factor in Israel’s conduct towards Palestinians.
While Israel brutalized civilians, the resistance killed 70 Israelis, over 60 of whom were soldiers; this was also an important step testifying to the maturity of Palestinian resistance, which had previously targeted civilians during the second intifada and reflected more desperation rather than a winning strategy. The legitimization of the resistance was to a degree, reflected in the recent decision by the European court to remove Hamas from its list of terrorist organizations.
Resistance in the West Bank is taking on other forms. Although it is yet to mature into a steady campaign of anti-occupation activities, it seems to be forming an identity of its own that takes into account what is possible and what is practical. The fact is that the ‘one size fits all’ modes of resistance debate is becoming less relevant, giving way to an organic approach to resistance devised by Palestinians themselves.
3. BDS Normalizes Debate on Israeli Crimes
Another form of resistance is crystalizing in the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions Movement (BDS) which continues to grow, gathering steam, supporters and constant achievements. Not only was 2014 a year in which BDS managed to win the support of numerous civil society organizations, academicians, scientists, celebrities and to reach out to people from all walks of life, it did something else that is equally important: It normalized the debate on Israel in many circles around the world. While any criticism of Israel was considered a taboo in yesteryears, it has been forever broken. Questioning the morality and practicality of boycotting Israel is no longer a frightening subject, but is open for debate in numerous media outlets, universities and other platforms.
2014 has been a year that made the discussion of boycotting Israel more mainstream than ever before. While a critical mass is yet to be achieved in the US, the momentum is constantly building up being led by students, clergy men and women, celebrities and ordinary people. In Europe, the movement has been hugely successful.
4. Parliaments are Feeling the Heat
While, traditionally, much of the southern hemisphere offered unconditional support for Palestinians, the West conceitedly stood with Israel. Following the Oslo accords, a bewildering European position evolved, where they flirted with finding the ‘balance’ between an occupied nation and the occupier. At times, the European Union (EU) timidly criticized the Israeli occupation, while continuing to be one of Israel’s largest trade partner, providing weapons to the Israeli army, who then use them to carry out war crimes in Gaza and sustain its military occupation in the West Bank.
This debauched policy is being challenged by citizens of various European countries. The Israeli summer war on Gaza exposed Israel’s human rights violations and war crimes like never before, revealing along the way EU hypocrisy.
To relieve some of the pressure, some EU countries appear to be taking stronger stances against Israel, reviewing their military cooperation, and more boldly questioning the rightwing policies of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.
A spate of parliamentary votes followed, overwhelmingly voting to recognize Palestine as a state. While these decisions remain largely symbolic, they represent an unmistakable shift in EU attitude towards Israel. Netanyahu continues to rail against European ‘hypocrisy’, assured, perhaps, by Washington’s unconditional support. But with the US losing control over the tumultuous Middle East, the Israeli prime minister might soon be forced to rethink his obstinate attitude.
5. Israel’s Democracy Exposed
For decades, Israel defined itself as both a democratic and Jewish state. The objective was clear: to maintain Jewish superiority over Palestinian Arabs, while continuing to present itself as a modern ‘western’ democracy – in fact, the ‘only democracy in the Middle East.’ While Palestinians and many others were never sold on the democracy charade, many accepted the dichotomy with little questioning.
While Israel doesn’t have a constitution, it has a ‘code’, called the Basic Law. Since there is no Israeli equivalent to a ‘constitutional amendment’ – the Netanyahu government is pushing for a new law at the Israeli parliament, the Knesset.
This will basically put forth new principalsunder which Israel will define itself. One of these principals will define Israel as ‘the national state of the Jewish people’, thus casting all non-Jewish citizens of Israel as lesser citizens.
While, for all intents and purposes, Palestinian citizens of Israel have been treated as an outcast, and discriminating against in many ways, the new Basic Law will be a constitutional confirmation of their state-enforced inferiority. The Jewish and democratic paradigm is dying for good, exposing Israel’s reality the way it is.
The Year Ahead
Certainly 2015 will bring much of the same: The PA will fight for its own existence, and try to maintain its privileges, bestowed by Israel, the US and others by using every tool available; Israel will also remain emboldened by American funds and unconditional support and military backing.
Yes, the next year will also prove frustratingly familiar in that regard. But the new, real and opposing momentum will unlikely cease, challenging and exposing the Israeli occupation, on one hand, and sidestepping the ineffectual, self-serving Palestinian Authority on the other.
2014 was a very painful year for Palestine, but also a year in which the collective resistance of the Palestinian people, and their supporters, proved too strong to bend or break. And in that, there can be much solace."
While some aspects of the conflict are stagnating between a corrupt, ineffectual Palestinian Authority (PA), and the criminality of Israeli wars and occupation, it would also be fair to argue that 2014 was also a game changer to some degree – and it is not all bad news.
To an extent, 2014 has been a year of clarity for those keen to understand the reality of the ‘Palestinian-Israeli conflict’ but were sincerely confused by the contrasting narratives.
Here are some reasons that support the argument that things are changing.
1. A Different Kind of Palestinian Unity
Although the two leading Palestinian parties Hamas and Fatah agreed to a unity government in April, little has changed on the ground. Yes, a government was officially established in June, and held its first meeting in October. But Gaza is effectively still managed by Hamas, which has been largely left alone managing the affairs of the Strip after the Israeli war in July-August. Perhaps Mahmoud Abbas’s authority is hoping that the massive destruction would weaken Hamas into political submission, especially as Egypt continues to seal shut the Rafah border.
But while the factions are failing to unite, the Israeli war on Gaza has inspired a new impetus of struggle in the West Bank. Israeli plans of targeting holy sites in Jerusalem, particularly the al-Aqsa Mosque, coupled with the deep anguish felt by most Palestinians over the massacres carried out by Israel in Gaza, are slowly reverberating into a wave of mini-uprisings.
Some speculate the situation will eventually lead to a massive Intifada that will engulf all of the territories. Whether a third intifada takes place in 2015 or not, is a different question. What matters is that the long-orchestrated plot to divide Palestinians is breaking apart and a new collective narrative of a common struggle against occupation is finally forming.
2. A New Resistance Paradigm
The debate regarding what form of resistance Palestinians should or should not adopt is being sidelined and settled, not by international do-gooders, but by Palestinians themselves. They are opting to use whatever effective form of resistance they can that could deter Israeli military advances, as resistance groups have actively done in Gaza.
Although Israel’s latest war killed nearly 2,200 and wounded over 11,000Palestinians that were mostly civilians, nevertheless, it has still failed to achieve any of its declared or implied objectives. It was another reminder that sheer military strength is no longer the only overriding factor in Israel’s conduct towards Palestinians.
While Israel brutalized civilians, the resistance killed 70 Israelis, over 60 of whom were soldiers; this was also an important step testifying to the maturity of Palestinian resistance, which had previously targeted civilians during the second intifada and reflected more desperation rather than a winning strategy. The legitimization of the resistance was to a degree, reflected in the recent decision by the European court to remove Hamas from its list of terrorist organizations.
Resistance in the West Bank is taking on other forms. Although it is yet to mature into a steady campaign of anti-occupation activities, it seems to be forming an identity of its own that takes into account what is possible and what is practical. The fact is that the ‘one size fits all’ modes of resistance debate is becoming less relevant, giving way to an organic approach to resistance devised by Palestinians themselves.
3. BDS Normalizes Debate on Israeli Crimes
Another form of resistance is crystalizing in the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions Movement (BDS) which continues to grow, gathering steam, supporters and constant achievements. Not only was 2014 a year in which BDS managed to win the support of numerous civil society organizations, academicians, scientists, celebrities and to reach out to people from all walks of life, it did something else that is equally important: It normalized the debate on Israel in many circles around the world. While any criticism of Israel was considered a taboo in yesteryears, it has been forever broken. Questioning the morality and practicality of boycotting Israel is no longer a frightening subject, but is open for debate in numerous media outlets, universities and other platforms.
2014 has been a year that made the discussion of boycotting Israel more mainstream than ever before. While a critical mass is yet to be achieved in the US, the momentum is constantly building up being led by students, clergy men and women, celebrities and ordinary people. In Europe, the movement has been hugely successful.
4. Parliaments are Feeling the Heat
While, traditionally, much of the southern hemisphere offered unconditional support for Palestinians, the West conceitedly stood with Israel. Following the Oslo accords, a bewildering European position evolved, where they flirted with finding the ‘balance’ between an occupied nation and the occupier. At times, the European Union (EU) timidly criticized the Israeli occupation, while continuing to be one of Israel’s largest trade partner, providing weapons to the Israeli army, who then use them to carry out war crimes in Gaza and sustain its military occupation in the West Bank.
This debauched policy is being challenged by citizens of various European countries. The Israeli summer war on Gaza exposed Israel’s human rights violations and war crimes like never before, revealing along the way EU hypocrisy.
To relieve some of the pressure, some EU countries appear to be taking stronger stances against Israel, reviewing their military cooperation, and more boldly questioning the rightwing policies of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.
A spate of parliamentary votes followed, overwhelmingly voting to recognize Palestine as a state. While these decisions remain largely symbolic, they represent an unmistakable shift in EU attitude towards Israel. Netanyahu continues to rail against European ‘hypocrisy’, assured, perhaps, by Washington’s unconditional support. But with the US losing control over the tumultuous Middle East, the Israeli prime minister might soon be forced to rethink his obstinate attitude.
5. Israel’s Democracy Exposed
For decades, Israel defined itself as both a democratic and Jewish state. The objective was clear: to maintain Jewish superiority over Palestinian Arabs, while continuing to present itself as a modern ‘western’ democracy – in fact, the ‘only democracy in the Middle East.’ While Palestinians and many others were never sold on the democracy charade, many accepted the dichotomy with little questioning.
While Israel doesn’t have a constitution, it has a ‘code’, called the Basic Law. Since there is no Israeli equivalent to a ‘constitutional amendment’ – the Netanyahu government is pushing for a new law at the Israeli parliament, the Knesset.
This will basically put forth new principalsunder which Israel will define itself. One of these principals will define Israel as ‘the national state of the Jewish people’, thus casting all non-Jewish citizens of Israel as lesser citizens.
While, for all intents and purposes, Palestinian citizens of Israel have been treated as an outcast, and discriminating against in many ways, the new Basic Law will be a constitutional confirmation of their state-enforced inferiority. The Jewish and democratic paradigm is dying for good, exposing Israel’s reality the way it is.
The Year Ahead
Certainly 2015 will bring much of the same: The PA will fight for its own existence, and try to maintain its privileges, bestowed by Israel, the US and others by using every tool available; Israel will also remain emboldened by American funds and unconditional support and military backing.
Yes, the next year will also prove frustratingly familiar in that regard. But the new, real and opposing momentum will unlikely cease, challenging and exposing the Israeli occupation, on one hand, and sidestepping the ineffectual, self-serving Palestinian Authority on the other.
2014 was a very painful year for Palestine, but also a year in which the collective resistance of the Palestinian people, and their supporters, proved too strong to bend or break. And in that, there can be much solace."
The Making of Norman Finkelstein : Reality asserts itself
II
Rami G. Khouri: Time for serious Palestinian leadership
Matt Carr's Infernal Machine : Israel's crazed assault on Gaza was 2014's single most haunting and revolting event.
"...The Bible is not real history. It is a monumental religious and literary document, that has inspired untold millions throughout the centuries. It has formed the minds of many generation of Jews, Christians and Muslims.
But history is something else. History tells us what really happened. Archeology is a tool of history, an invaluable tool for the understanding of what took place.
These are two different disciplines, and never the twain shall meet. For the religious, the Bible is a matter of belief. For non-believers, the Hebrew Bible is a great work of art, perhaps the greatest of all. Archeology is something entirely different: a matter of sober, proven facts.
Israeli schools teach the Bible as real history. This means that Israeli children learn only its chapters, true or fictitious. When I once complained about this in a Knesset speech, demanding that the full history of the country throughout the ages be taught, including the chapters of the Crusades and the Mamelukes, the then minister of education started to call me "the Mameluke".
I still believe that every child in this country, Israeli and Palestinian, should learn its full history, from the earliest days to this day, with all its layers. It is the basis of peace, the real Rock Of Our Existence."
Last paragraphs of Uri Avnery's opening speech at the Kinneret College conference on the connection between Archeology and Ideology.[*]03/01/2014.
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