Mostrando postagens com marcador fascista. Mostrar todas as postagens
Mostrando postagens com marcador fascista. Mostrar todas as postagens

domingo, 28 de outubro de 2018

Erdogan has his revenge on MBS BRASIL, ELE não me representa. Resistência!

"A vida é uma luta permanente. Os únicos derrotados são os que cruzam os braços."
Vamos nos encontrar?
O candidato da exclusão, do ódio, da desigualdade, do racismo, da ignorância, da violência, do preconceito, do egoísmo, do obscurantismo, foi eleito.
Como somos cidadãos responsáveis e respeitáveis, acatamos a opinião da maioria, o direito de voto é precioso demais. Respeitamos e prezamos a democracia, por isso, não vamos deixar o presidente eleito cercear nossa liberdade nem violar nossos direitos humanos fundamentais de ir, vir, pensar, falar e viver como nos aprás.
A luta pela democracia continua hoje, de cabeça erguida, de mãos dadas com os amigos e desconhecidos que encontramos pelo caminho do combate pacífico pela virada.
Estaremos atentos.
Hitler foi eleito em 1933 e em dois anos já estava pisoteando a Constituição da Alemanha. Não deixaremos Bozonaro fazer isso com a nossa.
Não nos calaremos.

Resistiremos.
"Ame-o ou Deixe-o", nunca mais! 
O Brasil é nosso.
O Brasil é de todos os brasileiros.
O Brasil jamais será uma arma dele contra nós.
O Brasil jamais será uma arma dele contra nossas diferenças, que tanto nos reforçam.
O Brasil jamais será uma arma dele contra a tolerância e a solidariedade que nos engrandecem e que nos unem hoje como na Inconfidência.
O Brasil jamais será uma arma dele contra a nossa pátria.

Compared with the United States and Saudi Arabia, against the odds, Turkey appears to have gained the most out of the crisis over the assassination of Saudi Commentator Jamal Khashoggi. The fact that the kingdom of Saudi Arabia has had the most to lose is obvious, and the Trump Administration at best looks like it is caught between the Scylla of trusting an ally too much and the Charybdis of being an accessory by failing to heed bi-partisan pressure for accountability and mete out repercussions for the act.
Whereas Turkey has skillfully managed the incident to its advantage, partly by putting pressure on Saudi Arabia and partly by using the crisis as a means to recast its relations with the US and the West. It is not in Turkey's interest to have an ugly open diplomatic battle with Saudi Arabia, but Turkey does compete with it for influence in the Arab world. In addition, Turkey's President Recept Tayyip Erdogan resents the foreign policy acts of Saudi Arabia as directed by the kingdom's de-facto leader Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman (aka MBS). While Turkey probably won't cross the ultimate red line of lambasting MBS directly, by adeptly leaking damning details of the investigation to the international press it has put considerable pressure on Saudi Arabia and even appears to have knocked it down a few pegs in the international order.
In his first major speech on the topic this week, Erdogan described Khashoggi as "the victim of a vicious murder" and called for an independent international investigation into the incident. But while he used words of respect for King Salman, he did not refer directly to MBS by name. He called for the suspects to be tried in Turkey, as opposed to being protected by diplomatic immunity. He went on to ask a series of questions, such as where the body is and who the local collaborator is that Saudi Arabia says the body was handed over to. Moreover, he demanded to know who had ordered the operation indicating, Ankara is likely to keep the pressure on Ryad.
Less expected, however, had been how adroitly Turkey - which has demonstrated a lack of skilled diplomacy in recent years - is showing the utility of crises by manoeuvring to put its relationship with the West, primarily with the US, back on an even Keel. The release of the arrested American pastor Andrew Brunson was not the only indication of this diplomatic pivot, but certainly the most visible one. Turkey had arrested him on "terror" charges and refused to release him, even though it had unsuccessfully negotiated with the US in recent months over terms of releasing him in exchange for Washington agreeing to drop its sanctions-busting investigation into Turkey's state-owned Halkbank.
Turkish relations with the West have deteriorated in recent years as Erdogan has grown more authoritarian domestically and more contrarian in dealing with fellow NATO allies. The Turkish president has long been frustrated by the EU's insistence on deeper democratic and rule of law reforms, and more recently angered by the US' unwillingness to hand over Fethullah Gulen, the Turkish Muslim leader Ankara believes to be behind the July 2016 failed coup attempt, to Turkish authorities and its support for Kurdish forces in Syria. Particularly after the unsuccessful coup attempt, Erdogan has moved closer to Russia, despite a Russian warplane being shot down by a Turkish fighter jet in 2015, and the Russian ambassador to Turkey being assassinated by a Turkish citizen a year later.
Other ways Turkey has been acting more in the interests of the West include how it is cooperating with the US in northern Syria in the town of Manbij, where it is coordinating patrols with the US in an effort to keep the Kurdish Syrian Defense Forces (SDF) out of the town - despite recent threats not to do so. In addition, Erdogan had a  make-up meeting with Chancellor Angela Merkel in Berlin. And most significantly Turkey pulled off a fairly miraculous forestalling of what appeared to be an impending Syrian-Russian-Iranian attack on Idlib that could have displaced and/or injured several million refugees living in the last major stronghold of the Syrian opposition. The most recent move has involved helping the West seek justice over the Khashoggi killing, with the Brunson release occurring in the first week of these efforts.
These unexpected pro-Western gambits certainly amount to something, at least an apparent about-face for Erdogan. Only recently he was railing against the US for its sanctions over Brunson, and the economic fallout for Turkey that has been so damaging. However, they prompt the question: does this represent a new pattern of cooperating with the US and the West, or is this merely a temporary means of giving Turkey its day in the sun ahead of a coming return to recent form of antagonizing the West whenever Erdogan finds it convenient?
Certainly, the US and its allies hope it is the former. For it was not long ago when Turkey had emerged as a regional superpower, the only democratic and capitalist Middle Eastern country and a willing bridge between the Muslim and Western world. This was early in Erdogan's run as Turkey's long-standing leader, first as prime minister and later as president. Turkey, during this period late in the Bush Administration and early in the Obama administration, was a net benefit to the global community, providing sturdy leadership and engaging in creative diplomacy such as helping bring a more lasting peace to Cyprus.
But as a US diplomat once memorably stated it, "dealing with Turkey is like peeling an onion" - meaning dealing with Turkish diplomats have always been difficult, as even if one matter got sorted out there would always be another one about which it would be difficult to find a communal way forward on. For years this was only the case in diplomatic discussions, such as in Brussels, but in the end Turkey could be counted on in strategic terms as a key member of NATO in a crucial region of the world. However, as President Erdogan began evincing autocratic tendencies, western relations with Turkey have grown more strained up through the recent era of Turkey repositioning itself as more an ally of Russia than its formal NATO allies.
Relations with Turkey have never been easy, but in the past even if Turkish officials proved difficult in diplomatic discussions, they often acted pragmatically in practice by, for instance, joining EU foreign and security operations on the ground with Turkish personnel and funding. In the age-old EU-NATO disputes involving Greece being in the EU and Turkey being in NATO, Turkey was often the more pragmatic of the two. But it may prove too much for the West to begin trusting its formal Turkish ally again, primarily because it is difficult to imagine President Erdogan resisting the next temptation to thunder against anyone at home or abroad who does something to annoy him.

Like the United States and Saoudi Arabia, the third member of the Middle East’s axis of evil, Israel, gets away with murder, both figuratively and literally, too.
But because Israel is a state protected by international Zionism, despite years of extreme-rightwing rule, its atrocities are confined, for the most part, to its own sliver of the world.
Nevertheless, its effect on world affairs is extensive and profound.
Israel and Saudi Arabia used to be mortal enemies.  Though hardly close friends now, they have become de facto allies.
To make their mark on the world, they are both utterly dependent on the United States.  The United States depends on Saudi Arabia for its oil, for the financial clout its oil makes possible, and for keeping the global oil market on track in ways that accord with America’s global interests. Israel has nothing comparable to offer the United States – it is no longer even useful as an off-shore military base — but the political clout of the Israel lobby, both Jewish and Evangelical Christian, more than makes up for the deficit.
I believe that these lobbies, the Zionist one especially, are paper tigers and that this will become apparent to everyone if and when they are boldly defied.  But the American political class thinks differently, and that is all that matters.
In any case, their relations with the United States are not what is holding them together.  Their animosity towards Iran is the reason for that.
The United States has it in for Iran in large part because its foreign policy establishment l holds a grudge for the humiliation America suffered during the hostage crisis four decades ago.
To be sure, the United States is, for the most part, just what as Gore Vidal famously said it was, the United States of Amnesia.  The bromance now flourishing between two of our most loathsome domestic political figures, Trump and Ted Cruz, attests to that.
But, like everything else in the Middle East, the situation is complicated.  At the same time, that, on most matters, the past might as well never have happened, the hegemon’s memory is long when its global dominance is challenged.
Therefore, whenever it is convenient to vilify Iran, American politicians generally will do precisely that. Even thoughtful ones, like Barack Obama, after trying meekly to chart a new course in American-Iranian relations, beat a hasty retreat at the first signs of trouble.
The Saudis have it in for Iran – and Turkey too, to a lesser extent – because, despite the retrograde nature of their regime, they want to become the regional hegemon for the entire Middle East, not just the Arabian Peninsula.
But great power politics is not the whole story.  Saudi Arabia and Iran are rival theocracies; their animosities therefore transcend the bounds of Reason, passing over, as religious conflicts often do, into a realm where irrational fervor sometimes overwhelms calculations of economic and national interest.
Israel’s problem with Iran is different.  It has no hegemonic aspirations; it is happy for the United States to monopolize that. And although secularism is in retreat in Israel, the country is still far from becoming a theocracy.
It is relevant too that in Jewish lore, Persia (Iran) has always been held in high regard.  The thinking of the European Jews who colonized Palestine was, of course, affected by  Orientalist attitudes, but, like other Europeans, European Jews generally held Persians in higher regard than the Arabic speaking peoples under Ottoman – and later British and French – rule.
In short, Israel and Iran are neither natural nor historical enemies.
But to flourish and perhaps even to survive, Israel needs enemies; it always has and as long as it purports to be a Jewish state, it always will.  With anti-Semitism on the wane, despite what Zionists would like the world to think, it therefore needs to concoct credible “existential threats.”  Iran is its best, perhaps its only, chance for that.
Paradoxally, Jews fared better under Islam than they did in Christendom, and modern anti-Semitism owes a great deal to Christian anti-Judaism.  Muslim anti-Judaism, such as it is, has had almost nothing to do with the rise of modern anti-Semitism or with its nature.
Apologists for Israel nowadays struggle to conflate occasional expressions of anti-Zionist outrage in suburban quarters of European cities with the anti-Semitism that led to the Final Solution.  There are a lot of susceptible people in the world these days begging to be fooled, but, in the end, theirs is a fool’s errand.
It should go without saying that anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism are historically and conceptually distinct.
The original Zionist idea was that anti-Semitism would always be with us and that, if only for the sake of self-defense, the Jewish people need a state of their own.   The idea that this state had to be in Palestine came later, as did the idea that support for a Jewish state in Palestine is an expression of Jewish Identity.
Indeed, it was once a widely accepted tenet of the Jewish religion that, until the Messiah comes, Palestine was to be a holy land, not a homeland.  This is still the view of many extreme orthodox Jews today.
It was a holy land too for Old Testament besotted Anglo-Protestants and Lutherans in Germany and the Scandinavian countries.
Today, Zionism is mainly a form of Jewish identity politics, with a stolen nation serving as a substitute for God.
But nations are not part of the furniture of the world; they are socially and politically constructed. This is especially true of the Jewish nation, formed from peoples who share a common religion, but not a common language or culture, except liturgical Hebrew, a shared history or a shared stolen land. Jewish nationalism is a slender reed upon which to base Zionist theory and practice.
Palestinians under occupation and in exile used to serve the purpose of being "threats to the ethnocratic character of the Jewish state". But, by now, they are too politically divided, too abandoned by the world, and too militarily feeble to fool anybody who is not begging to be fooled.
And, of course, the Saudis and the Arab regimes they control are of no use either; they have become Israel’s friend – not officially, but in ways too obvious to hide.
Jordan is and always has been useless, and after the Bush-Cheney war of choice in Iraq, Iraq now is too. Then came the utter and complete mess that the Obama administration, led on by the always inept Hillary Clinton and the liberal imperialists she and Obama empowered, made of Libya and Egypt, and, worst of all, Syria.
And so, Iran is all that is left.
Netanyahu is obsessed with Iran, and therefore so is Trump.  He may aspire to be the Absolute Leader of the Universe but, in fact, he dares not displease Sheldon Adelson and the Israel lobby leads him around by the nose. Adelson, by the way, is living proof that classical anti-Semitism is finished in the United States.  The man is a quasi or bona fide fascist and nobody seems to care.
Netanyahu has the bomb and he has the Israel lobby, but he doesn’t have anything like the Saudis’ money; and, in capitalist America, money talks.
But after the Khashoggi murder it may not talk loud enough.
Therefore, if Netanyahu is to succeed in getting the USA to go to war with Iran, he may have to do the heavy lifting himself.  Is he up to the task?  Don’t count on it.
Let’s hope instead that Israel’s inherent weakness and Netanyahu’s own ineptitude does him in along with his even more odious axis of evil partners, and ultimately the axis itself.


The Israeli conservative newspaper The Jerusalem Post reported that "Saudi Arabia and Israel held secret meetings which led to an estimated $250-million deal, including the transfer of Israeli espionage technologies to the kingdom, Israeli media reported on Sunday, citing an exclusive report by the United Arab Emirate news website Al-Khaleej.
Some of the spy systems, which are the most sophisticated systems Israel has ever sold to any Arab country, have already been transferred to Saudi Arabia and put into use after a Saudi technical team received training in operating them, the report Added.
The exclusive report also revealed that the two countries exchanged strategic military information in the meetings, which were conducted in Washington and London through a European mediator.
Such cooperation would not be the first of its kind between Israel and Saudi Arabia.
In September, Al-Khaleej reported that Saudi Arabia had purchased Israel’s Iron Dome missile defense system to defend itself from Houthi missile attacks.
The deal, which was reportedly mediated by the United States included further plans to reach an agreement on broad military cooperation between the two countries.
While Israel has no official ties with Saudi Arabia, the relationship with the Sunni kingdom and other Gulf states has grown stronger in recent years, due in large part to the shared threat of Iran’s expansion across the region.
IDF Chief of Staff Lt.-Gen. Gadi Eisenkot met with his counterparts from several Arab countries, including Saudi Arabia’s Chief of Staff Gen. Fayyad bin Hamed Al-Ruwaili, in mid-October while in Washington for the Countering Violent Extremist Organizations Conference for military commanders.
While this seemed to be the first publicized meeting between Eisenkot and Al-Ruwaili, it was the second consecutive year the two attended the military commanders’ conference.
Last November, following Eisenkot’s first participation in the conference, he offered to share Israeli intelligence about Iran with Riyadh, telling the Saudi newspaper Elaph in an unprecedented interview that what he heard from the Saudis about Iranian expansion was “identical” to Israeli concerns."

PALESTINA

#StopTheWar is a hashtag coming from many activists in #Gaza who urge the international community to hinder Israel’s attempts to launch another large-scale aggression against the occupied, blockaded, unlivable, and exhausted Gaza Strip. #GazaUnderAttack.
The people of Gaza have been subjected to decades of expulsion, occupation, siege and massacre. They have now seized control of their Fate. They are risking life and limb as they protest nonviolently to reclaim their basic rights. It takes just one minute to send a video showing your support for Gaza in its moment of truth. Do it now! Send your videos to METOOGAZA.COM.
Renowned scientists urge cientific Community to consider the facts before engaging in activities with Israeli colonial-based Ariel University, and not engage any attemps to use science to normalise Israel(s occupation of the Palestinian territory.
INTERACTIVE: Palestinian Remix


OCHA  


BRASIL
The Intercept Brasil
Um professor encara o fascismo no dia 31 de outubro (4')

domingo, 7 de outubro de 2018

Israel vs Russia too? E no Brasil, Abaixo o fascismo! Bolsonaro, NÃO!!

NÃO ao fascismo no Brasil!!!
Bolsonaro, NÃO!!!
PAI! Afasta de nós esse cálice, Pai!

Good news. Relations between Russia and Israel have been those of an estranged couple punctuated by occasional breakouts of tense understanding. As with other such couples, a public row does not necessarily reflect the more placid, if stern discussion that might happen behind closed doors.
On the public side of things, Russia’s decision to deploy the S-300 anti-aircraft missile system to Syria has made Israeli officials apoplectic.  That said, Israel’s security establishment were privy to prospects of a possible Russian deployment of the modern, more discriminating air-defence system.  The former head of the Israeli Defence Force’s Strategic Division, Brigadier General Assaf Orion at the Institution for National Security Studies, was reflective.  “However one may keep in mind that for the last twenty years Israel was preparing for this to appear in theatre.”
In April, Amos Yadlin, the country’s retired Military Intelligence chief stuck his head out to issue a warning: should Russia supply Syria with S-300 anti-aircraft missiles, Israel’s air force would retaliate.  Israel Defence Minister Avigdor Lieberman also upped the ante, suggesting that Israel would destroy any S-300 targeting Israeli aircraft.  Would Russia call’s Israel’s bluff?
Any indecision on Russia’s part evaporated in the aftermath of the downing of a Russian Il-20 surveillance plane by Syrian government forces on September 17, leading to the death of 15 personnel.  The Syrian action had been prompted by attacks from Israeli F-16 jets on facilities in the province of Latakia.
In the words of Syrian Foreign Minister Walid Muallem, “It is a system which is defensive in nature rather than offensive, and is intended for the defence of the Syrian airspace.” Russian Defence  Minister Sergei Shoigu has only praise for the batteries, which are “capable of intercepting aerial attacks at the distance of over 250 kilometres, and simultaneously countering several targets”. Deploying it was a necessary “retaliatory” measure.
The tone, at this point, has become far more reserved on Israel’s part.  While Moscow “made a move, the playing field is very large,” came an unnamed Israeli official’s view.  Israel was “dealing” with the aftermath of the decision made by President Vladimir Putin, but would “not necessarily” attempt “to prevent the delivery” of the anti-aircraft system.  This stands to reason: the presence of other Russian missile systems in the Syrian conflict – the S-400, for instance – did not deter Israel’s previous strikes; nor did it cause much by way of open remonstration. Symbolism is everything.
Gideon Levy, writing in Haaretz, was impressed by Moscow’s move.  Israel’s regional bullying would finally, at least in some fashion, be contained.  “For the first time in years another state is making it clear to Israel that there are restrictions to its power, that it’s not okay for it to do whatever it wants, that it’s not alone in the game, that America can’t always cover for it and there’s a limit to the harm that it can do.”
Like other players, Russia and Israel will continue to be careful in avoiding any undue engagements.  Israel’s Benjamin Netanyahu has made various utterances to that effect, though the deployment has put him on notice that the Israeli action in Syria can no longer take place with brazen impunity.
Then comes the issue as to which outfits will be manning the batteries.  Netanyahu, pushing the familiar line that certain weapons systems are only appropriate in the right hands, sees the S-300 finding its way to “irresponsible players”.  Orion fears those “incompetent and reckless” hands fidgeting and firing.  On that score, it is unlikely that the Russians intend giving their Syrian recipients full leverage in using the system.  At this stage of the conflict, it is clear that Moscow is calling many of the shots in the field, having, for instance, restrained Syrian government forces in launching a blood-soaked offensive on rebel forces in Idlib in favour of an accord with Turkey.
Moves such as the S-300 announcement say less about a conflict that has killed with remorseless drive than it does about the pieces of furniture that keep being moved in one of the most atrocious wars in recent memory.  A weapons system is deployed in one place to discourage another “player” from overconfidence and bellicosity; airstrikes are undertaken against the forces of another group or state to nip any growing influence.  Brief agreements are brokered, short-term understandings reached. Israel gazes wide-eyed upon the influence of Iran and any umbilical cord to Hezbollah; Turkey watches warily the influence of the Kurds and any overly patriotic tendencies. Syrian soil becomes the staging ground for amoral plays of power.
The critics and observers add to this, using sterile terms that give the impression that states are participants in a robust conversation free of blood, a gentlemen’s dispute rather than a murderous fight to the finish.  Syria remains a carcass swarmed over by various enthusiasts, pecking it into cruel oblivion.

Speaking of Gideon Levi above, here goes a good piece of journalism:Robert Fisk's encounters with Gideon Levi.
"Gideon Levy is a bit of a philosopher king although, sitting in his postage stamp garden in a suburb of Tel Aviv, straw hat shading mischievous dark eyes, there’s a touch of a Graham Greene character about Haaretz’s most provocative and infamous writer. Brave, subversive, sorrowful – in a harsh, uncompromising way – he’s the kind of journalist you either worship or loathe. Philosopher kings of the Plato kind are necessary for our moral health, perhaps, but not good for our blood pressure. So Levy’s life has been threatened by his fellow Israelis for telling the truth; and that’s the best journalism award one can get.
He loves journalism but is appalled by its decline. His English is flawless but it sometimes breaks up in fury. Here’s an angry Levy on the effect of newspaper stories: “In the year of ’86, I wrote about a Palestinian Bedouin woman who lost her baby after giving birth at a checkpoint. She tried at three different [Israeli] checkpoints, she couldn’t make it and she gave birth in the car. They [the Israelis] didn’t let her bring the baby to the hospital. She carried him by foot two kilometres to the Augusta Victoria [Hospital in east Jerusalem]. The baby died. When I published this story – I don’t want to say that Israel ‘held its breath’, but it was a huge scandal, the cabinet was dealing with it, two officers were brought to court…”
Then Levy found ten more women who had lost babies at Israeli checkpoints. “And nobody could care less any more. Today, I can publish it and people will yawn if they read it at all. [It’s] totally normalised, totally justified. We have a justification now for everything. The dehumanisation of the Palestinians has reached a stage in which we really don’t care. I can tell you, really, without exaggeration, if an Israeli dog was killed by Palestinians, it will get more attention in the Israeli media than if 20 Palestinian youngsters would be shot dead by snipers on the fence – without doing anything – in Gaza. The life of Palestinians has become the cheapest thing. It’s a whole system of demonisation, of de-humanisation, a whole system of justification that ‘we’ are always right and we can never be wrong.”
Then Levy goes for the bleeding-heart brigade. “I’m speaking now about liberals. There are those [Israelis] who are happy about any Palestinian death. But the liberals will give you so many arguments just to keep their conscience clean and not to be bothered – ‘You cannot know what happened there, and you have not been there and, you know, you can only see part of the picture…’ And it’s very hard to tell these stories any more, this is the biggest frustration. They see snipers killing a child waving. On TV they show it, snipers killing a nurse in her uniform, a pretty nurse. They see a child of 15 slapping a soldier and going to jail for eight months. And they justify everything.”
You can see why, not too long ago, Levy was given a bodyguard. “You know, Robert, for so many years, they told me: ‘Try to be a little bit more moderate… Say some patriotic things. Say some good things about Israel.’ You know, by the end of the day, we say and we write what we think, and we don’t think about the consequences. And I must tell you, very frankly, the price that a Russian or Turkish journalist is paying today is much higher than any price. Let’s not exaggerate. By the end of the day, I’m still a free citizen and I still gain total freedom, and I mean it: total freedom to write whatever I want, mainly because of my newspaper – which is so supportive.”
“You know, my publisher is maybe the only publisher in the world who is ready to pay millions in terms of cancellations for one article that I wrote, who would tell any subscriber who is mad at me: ‘You know what? Maybe Haaretz is not the newspaper for you!’ Give me one publisher who would speak like this. So I gain full freedom. I say whatever I feel or think.”
Which says something about Israel as well as Levy’s editor. But Israel never escapes his scalpel. “The worst thing that we are fighting is indifference,” he says. “Apathy – which we have so much of in Israel. So if I succeed even to shake them in a way, to freak them out, to be angry with me, to be angry at what I say… you know, many times I think if I make them so angry, it is a sign that somewhere in their consciousness, they know that something is burning under our feet, that something went wrong. But there are times when you are afraid, especially the night before [an article] is published. I always say: ‘Oh, didn’t I go too far this time?’ And then, when I read it back, I always say: ‘I should have been much more extreme!’ I always think I didn’t go far enough.”
Journalism and Israel can be combined in the Levy story. His love-hate relationship with the one can get mixed up with his horror of the path down which his country – to which his parents fled from Europe when it was still Palestine – is now travelling. “The only thing that I really miss – this is very specific to me – my biggest stories were from the Gaza Strip. And I am prevented from going there for 11 years now – because Israel doesn’t let any Israeli into Gaza for 11 years, even if they have dual citizenship. Even if they would open [Gaza], very, very few Israelis would bother to go there. Maybe Hamas would stop them. It’s an Israeli order which Israeli journalists never protested – except me – nobody protested against it. Because they couldn’t care less – they get everything from the [Israeli] army spokesperson – why would they bother to go to Gaza?”
But for Levy, it’s professional. “It’s a very deep loss because the strongest stories were always in Gaza and are still in Gaza. And the fact that I can’t be in Gaza in these days… I mean, I always ask, ‘what is the place you would most like to go to in the world? Bali?’ And I always say the truth. ‘Gaza. Give me one week in Gaza now. And I need nothing more’.”
Blogs don’t have the credibility of newspapers, Levy says. “But I do tell young people – still, if they ask – go ahead. [Journalism] is a great job, a wonderful profession. I didn’t plan to become a journalist. I wanted to become a prime minister. My two first choices were either bus driver or prime minister. Neither worked out somehow. Yes, it’s about leadership. The bus driver is the leader. I mean, you dictate to other people what to do. But I still keep on saying to young people, ‘you will never find such a profession, with so many opportunities. You need only one thing – above all, you need to be curious.’ It’s quite a rare quality, much more rare than you think, because we journalists think that everyone is as curious as we are.”
Pessimism is built into many Israelis, none more so than Levy. “Look, we are dealing now with 700,000 [Jewish] settlers. It is unrealistic to think that anybody will evacuate 700,000 settlers. Without their full evacuation, you don’t have a viable Palestinian state. Everyone knows this and everyone continues with their old songs because it’s convenient to everybody – to the Palestinian Authority, to the EU, to the United States – [saying] ‘two states, two states’, and by this you can continue the occupation for another hundred years, thinking that one day there will be a two-state solution. It will never happen any more. We missed this train and this train will never get back to the station.”
And we come back to Levy on the sins of modern journalism. “Let’s face it – it’s all about social media now. Our journalism is dying. Now it’s all about a very sophisticated tweet. And for a sophisticated tweet, you don’t have to go anywhere – just sitting in your room with a glass of whisky, and you can be very, very sophisticated with some kind of sense of humour, and very cynical – very cynical – because this is maybe the main problem. I mean journalists, so very few of them, really care about something – except being brilliant. I guess there are some exceptions. I don’t see them in Israel. I don’t see them in the West Bank. They are activists but not journalists. There are many young activists, who are adorable.”
Levy agrees that Amira Hass of Haaretz, who lives in the Palestinian West Bank, is his equal, at least in years – he is 65 – and “she really brings journalism one step forward because she lives with them. I think it’s really unprecedented – a journalist who ‘lives with the enemy’. She pays a big price also, in terms of being less relevant here [in Israel] – because of her living there.”
But repeatedly journalism comes under the critical Levy microscope. “We have some young people who would go to war zones – only for the sake of showing their courage. They have been to Iraq, they’ve been to Syria, they’ve been to Iran. Usually, they come back with photos of themselves in the reception of the hotel, or in some kind of so-called battlefield. When I went to Sarajevo in 1993, I went also to look for the injustice there. I didn’t go for just ‘covering the story’. I looked for the ‘evilness’ of a war. I think you saw a lot of evil in Sarajevo. I saw things in Sarajevo that I never saw here – old ladies digging in the ground, for roots to have to eat something. I saw it with my own eyes. Not in the [Israeli] occupied territories – you don’t see it here.”
Foreign correspondents fare little better. “I see journalists, even now, standing by the [Gaza] fence, journalists who can get into Gaza – in those bloody months, with almost 200 unarmed victims – and they stand by the fence, far away. To get into Gaza is not dangerous now for foreign journalists. But I see, even on BBC – and even Al-Jazeera from time to time, Al-Jazeera is much better, obviously – give even their reports from a hill in the south of Israel. And they get some footage, obviously from social media, from local journalists. But it’s not the same.”
As a persistent critic of Israel and the wickedness of its colonial land theft and its vile treatment of the Palestinians, I find myself curiously at odds with Levy – not so much because of his condemnation of journalists, but of his plate-glass shattering of the Israeli window. Would Israeli readers really be more interested in the death of an Israeli dog than the slaughter of 20 Palestinians? Are they as poorly educated as Levy claims? There’s a bit of the “O tempora o mores” element about him.
“Israel is becoming one of the most ignorant countries in the world,” this 65-year old Cicero says. “Someone said it’s better to keep the people ignorant … The young generation know nothing about nothing. Try to talk here with young people – they’ve no idea. The most basic things – ask them who was Ben Gurion, ask them who was Moshe Dayan. Ask them what is the ‘Green Line’. Ask them where is Jenin. Nothing. Even before the brainwashing, the ignorance – part of what they know is totally wrong.”
Talk to the average young Israeli and a European waiter will speak better English, Levy claims. Knowledge of the Holocaust and foreign travel for a young Israeli “will be mainly an experience of a trip with their high school to Auschwitz, where you are being told that power is the only thing which you should possess – military power, that’s the only guarantee, nothing else but military power; and that Israel has the right to do whatever it wants after the Holocaust. These are the lessons. But this is nothing to do with knowledge.”
Yes, says our philosopher king, there is “a narrow level of brilliant intellectuals”, but a recent survey suggested half of Israeli youth receive a Third World education. We – and here I am included in Levy’s generation – came into the world after “very dramatic events”. The Second World War. The foundation, in his case, of the state of Israel. His parents “saved themselves at the last minute”, from Europe.
“There was some historical luggage on our shoulders and no Twitter and no Facebook could delete this. Today it is more empty, finally, in terms of historical events. Even in this region. What is happening here? Nothing – more of the same. Fifty years of occupation, nothing basically changed. We are in the very same framework … sure, more settlements, sure, more brutality and sure, less of a feeling that it’s temporary. It’s very clear now that it’s not going to be temporary. This is part and parcel of Israel.”
I asked Levy if the proportional representation voting system made for hopeless coalition governments in Israel. “What we get is what we are,” he replies dismally. “And Israel is very nationalistic and very right wing and very religious – much more than you think – and the Israeli government is a very good reflection of the Israeli people. And Netanyahu’s the best presenter of Israel. He is by far too educated for Israel – but in his views, this is Israel. Power, power and power – maintaining the status quo for ever, not believing in the Arabs at all. Not believing in any kind of settlement with the Arabs, ever. And living only on our sword, a total state of war.”
Relations with the US are easy. “I’m not sure people are aware now how much Netanyahu dictates American policy. Anything that is decided now – UNRWA [the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine], all the cuts – it comes from Israel. Trump couldn’t care less. You think he knew what UNRWA was before? Racism is now politically correct.”
So where did it all go wrong? “First of all, in 1967, that’s the greatest sin. It all starts there. And if you want, you can say 1948 – because 1948 never stopped in 1948. We could really have opened a new chapter.” There are still examples of great men, he insists, even in the world after the Second World War. Mandela, for example.
But Israel’s most irascible and annoying journalist also says “maybe we are too old and we are just bitter and jealous, thinking that we were the best…” At the height of his peroration, just behind us, a huge white cat bounds from the garden hedge in panic, pursued by an even larger grey cat with teeth snapping and hissing, stirring up leaves and dust. The smaller cat, I suspect, represents Levy’s enemies. And despite his 65 years, you can guess who the larger cat reminds me of."

PALESTINA
GAZA
The moment long feared is fast approaching in Gaza, according to a new report by the World Bank. After a decade-long Israeli blockade and a series of large-scale military assaults, the economy of the tiny coastal enclave is in “freefall”.
At a meeting of international donors in New York on Thursday, coinciding with the annual meeting of the United Nations General Assembly, the World Bank painted an alarming picture of Gaza’s crisis. Unemployment now stands at close to 70 per cent and the economy is contracting at an ever faster rate.
While the West Bank’s plight is not yet as severe, it is not far behind, countries attending the Ad Hoc Liaison Committee were told. Gaza’s collapse could bring down the entire Palestinian banking sector.
In response, Europe hurriedly put together a €40 million aid package, but that will chiefly address Gaza’s separate humanitarian crisis – not the economic one – by improving supplies of electricity and potable water.
No one doubts the inevitable fallout from the economic and humanitarian crises gripping Gaza. The four parties to the Quartet charged with overseeing negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians – the United States, Russia, the European Union and the UN – issued a statement warning that it was vital to prevent what they termed “further escalation” in Gaza.
The Israeli military shares these concerns. It has reported growing unrest among the enclave’s two million inhabitants and believes Hamas will be forced into a confrontation to break out of the straightjacket imposed by the blockade.
In recent weeks, mass protests along Gaza’s perimeter fence have been revived and expanded after a summer lull. On Friday, seven Palestinian demonstrators, including two children, were killed by Israeli sniper fire. Hundreds more were wounded.
Nonetheless, the political will to remedy the situation looks as atrophied as ever. No one is prepared to take meaningful responsibility for the time-bomb that is Gaza.
In fact, the main parties that could make a difference appear intent on allowing the deterioration to continue.
Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu has ignored repeated warnings of a threatened explosion in Gaza from his own military.
Instead, Israel is upholding the blockade as tightly as ever, preventing the flow of goods in and out of the enclave. Fishing is limited to three miles off the coast rather than the 20-mile zone agreed in the Oslo accords. Hundreds of companies are reported to have folded over the summer.
Intensifying the enclave’s troubles is the Trump administration’s recent decision to cut aid to the Palestinians, including to the United Nation’s refugee agency, UNRWA. It plays a critical role in Gaza, providing food, education and health services to nearly two-thirds of the population.
The food budget is due to run out in December, and the schools budget by the end of this month. Hundreds of thousands of hungry children with nowhere to spend their days can only fuel the protests – and the deaths.
The Palestinian Authority of Mahmoud Abbas, headquartered in the West Bank, has no incentive to help. Gaza’s slowly unfolding catastrophe is his leverage to make Hamas submit to his rule. That is why the Palestinian Authority has cut transfers to Gaza by $30 million a month.
But even if Abbas wished to help, he largely lacks the means. The US cuts were imposed primarily to punish him for refusing to play ball with US President Donald Trump’s supposed “deal of the century” peace plan.
Israel, the World Bank notes, has added to Abbas’s difficulties by refusing to transfer taxes and customs duties it collects on the PA’s behalf.
And the final implicated party, Egypt, is reticent to loosen its own chokehold on its short border with Gaza. President Abdel Fattah El Sisi opposes giving any succour either to his domestic Islamist opponents or to Hamas.
The impasse is possible only because none of the parties is prepared to make a priority of Gaza’s welfare.
That was starkly illustrated earlier in the summer when Cairo, supported by the UN, opened a back channel between Israel and Hamas in the hope of ending their mounting friction.
Hamas wanted the blockade lifted to reverse Gaza’s economic decline, while Israel wanted an end to the weekly protests and the damaging images of snipers killing unarmed demonstrators.
In addition, Netanyahu has an interest in keeping Hamas in power in Gaza, if barely, as a way to cement the geographic split with the West Bank and an ideological one with Abbas.
The talks, however, collapsed quietly in early September after Abbas objected to the Egyptians. He insisted that the Palestinian Authority be the only address for discussions of Gaza’s future. So, Cairo is yet again channelling its energies into a futile attempt at reconciling Abbas and Hamas.
At the UN General Assembly, Trump promised his peace plan would be unveiled in the next two to three months, and made explicit for the first time his support for a two-state solution, saying it would “work best”.
Netanyahu vaguely concurred, while pointing out: “Everyone defines the term ‘state’ differently.” His definition, he added, required that not one of the illegal Jewish settlements in the West Bank be removed and that any future Palestinian state be under complete Israeli security control.
Abbas is widely reported to have conceded over the summer that a Palestinian state – should it ever come into being – would be demilitarised. In other words, it would not be recognisable as a sovereign state.
Hamas has made notable compromises to its original doctrine of military resistance to secure all of historic Palestine. But it is hard to imagine it agreeing to peace on those terms. This makes a reconciliation between Hamas and Abbas currently inconceivable – and respite for the people of Gaza as far off as ever.


#StopTheWar is a hashtag coming from many activists in #Gaza who urge the international community to hinder Israel’s attempts to launch another large-scale aggression against the occupied, blockaded, unlivable, and exhausted Gaza Strip. #GazaUnderAttack.
The people of Gaza have been subjected to decades of expulsion, occupation, siege and massacre. They have now seized control of their Fate. They are risking life and limb as they protest nonviolently to reclaim their basic rights. It takes just one minute to send a video showing your support for Gaza in its moment of truth. Do it now! Send your videos to METOOGAZA.COM.
Renowned scientists urge cientific Community to consider the facts before engaging in activities with Israeli colonial-based Ariel University, and not engage any attemps to use science to normalise Israel(s occupation of the Palestinian territory.






OCHA  










BRASIL

The Intercept Brasil

A título de lembrança, na terrível história da perseguição dos nazistas aos judeus há uma passagem pouco conhecida. Durante a ascensão de Adolf Hitler ao poder na Alemanha, ele chegou a ser apoiado por um grupo chamado Associação de Judeus Nacionais Alemães.
Donald Niewyk, especialista no Holocausto, conta que na época que antecedeu a 2ª Guerra Mundial, a vasta maioria dos judeus alemães era leal à sua pátria-mãe, a Alemanha. Mesmo quando o Partido Nazista surgiu, eles não teriam se dado conta do perigo. A Associação de Judeus Nacionais Alemães até mesmo votou em Hitler e no seu partido. A organização teria apoiado Hitler porque não levava a sério a sua retórica antissemita. O grupo achava que os discursos inflamados do Führer serviam apenas para “agitar as massas”.
Ao ser eleito, Hitler não perdeu tempo. Ascendeu ao poder em janeiro de 1933 e declarou ilegal a Associação de Judeus Nacionais Alemães em 18 de novembro de 1935. No mesmo dia, a organização foi dissolvida e Max Naumann foi levado para um campo de concentração pela Gestapo (a polícia nazista) em 1935. Ele foi liberado após alguns dias e morreu de câncer quatro anos depois. BOLSONARO é o Hitler tupiniquim...  
Por outro lado, há o "bispo" malandro, Edir Macedo, que aliou-se ao fascista para dominar o Brasil e ajudar o projeto sionista de limpeza étnica da Palestina.
A aliança de Edir Macedo e Jair Bolsonaro faz parte de um projeto ambicioso explicitado num livro lançado em 2008 pelo fundador da Igreja Universal.
“Plano de poder” é quase um Meio Kampf em matéria de sinceridade, despudor, ganância, fanatismo religioso e loucura.
A ascensão dos evangélicos é tratada como algo determinado pela Bíblia.
O co-autor é o jornalista Carlos Oliveira, na verdade um fantoche como o “repórter” Eduardo Ribeiro, da Record, que bateu papo com o ex-capitão no aconchego de seu lar em programa exibido no horário do debate da Globo.
Trata-se de um “manual que não se restringe apenas à orientação de fé religiosa”. É também “um livro que sugere resistência, tomada e estabelecimento do poder político ou de governo”.
No capítulo “A visão estadista de Deus” somos avisados de que para os crentes chegarem lá é necessário “engajamento, consenso e mobilização”.
“Insistimos em que a potencialidade numérica dos evangélicos como eleitores pode decidir qualquer pleito eletivo”.
“Em nenhum tempo da história do evangelho no Brasil foi tão oportuno como agora chamá-los de forma incisiva a participar da política nacional (…) O momento é oportuno ao projeto divino de nação!”, reza a obra. 
Os fieis que ainda não entenderam “o projeto de poder político” precisam “despertar ao toque da alvorada”.
Ai de quem não desperta.
Recentemente, um pastor da Renascer, que pertence àquele casal preso nos EUA com 56 mil dólares em dinheiro vivo, foi demitido por se recusar a pregar em favor de Bolsonaro.
Com o “agente apropriado”, teremos o “início do grande intuito divino”.
“O êxito em política, sobretudo na atualidade, depende de um conjunto de ações estratégicas, bem elaboradas e objetivas, que vai desde o político como produto às ações dos que desejam elegê-lo”.
“Deus segue procedimentos normais e técnicos”. 
A aproximação do bispo de mentira com Bolsonaro começou em novembro do ano passado, segundo a Folha, quando o extremista foi apresentado à direção da emissora em evento de um instituto filantrópico do grupo no hotel Unique, em São Paulo.
O "bispo" ganancioso terá, se JB triunfar, um amigo para despejar verbas publicitárias em seus negócios.
A ideia é ter aqui uma versão da Fox News, trincheira de Trump na mídia estadunidense. 
A única maneira de defender um sujeito como Jair Bolsonaro é enganar a audiência — e isso é especialidade da casa. O pregador bilionário aprendeu direitinho a hasbara com seus cúmplices sionistas. Propaganda é sua maior arma. O falso profeta encontrou seu falso messias. Mas não vai passar não!


LISTENING POST: Brasil's élections, is social media overtaking the mainstream?

 
John Oliver explains Brazil's situation