Mostrando postagens com marcador invasão. Mostrar todas as postagens
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domingo, 16 de setembro de 2018

Rogues Israel, Saoudi Arabia & USA vs Iran, Palestine, Peace & Civilization



The increasingly embattled and reviled, soon to fall Donald Trump withdrew the U.S. from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (the “Iran nuclear deal”) in May.
He did so in order to fulfill a campaign promise, and express his pathological resentment for his predecessor by undoing an Obama achievement. That’s how the whole world understands it—especially as his idiocy becomes widely acknowledged— even by his inner circle of frustrated leakers in an unfolding drama of White House chaos.
Trump is a very unusual U.S. president, pursuing peace with North Korea, for example, while seeking regime change in Iran. Where’s the consistency, ask foreign leaders?  They understand that the U.S. leader is not guided by any coherent ideology and is hence unpredictable and often irrational. They also know that the conditions Mike Pompeo set for the U.S. to return to the agreement were outrageous, humiliating and designed for rejection.
Trump has not only withdrawn the U.S. from the agreement but sought to block its implementation by imposing secondary sanctions on countries trading with Iran. These infuriate European officials and have produced strong protest. It’s preposterous to demand that Daimler AG cancel plans for Mercedez-Benz manufacture in Iran until Tehran ceases support for Hizbollah or the Syrian army.  Europeans vow to find ways to escape U.S. efforts to sabotage trade. The Chinese will surely continue to purchase Iranian oil; so will the Indians, South Koreans, Turks, Italians, and Japanese. These are Iran’s top petroleum customers.
Who in the world supports the U.S. in its efforts to sabotage of the JCPOA? Who supports it in its drive to inflict economic pain, and then, according to the plan, the overthrow of the regime making use of MEK and other proxies? There are two countries whose leaders do, emphatically: Saudi Arabia and Israel. Unlikely bedfellows, would they not seem, even though united in hostility to Tehran?
Saudi Arabia is an absolute monarchy governed by harsh Sharia law. It is the land of two of Islam’s holiest sites,  the homeland of Sunni Islam. Its royals view the Islamic Republic of Iran as a bastion of (Shiite) heresy and rival for regional influence. They see it as operating through any other Shiite forces in the region: various political parties and militias in (primarily Shiite) Iraq; the Alawite-led but secular government of Syria, commanding as it does the continuing loyalty of the Syrian Arab Army; the (Shiite-based) Hizbollah political party and militia in Lebanon; the mass movement of the Shiite majority in Sunni-ruled Bahrain; the Houthis of Yemen, etc.
The Saudi government does not publicly target Shiism; there is a significant (rather oppressed) Shiite minority in Saudi Arabia itself. It does not represent itself as defender of the truth faith, at war with the heretical Shiites, but as a U.S. and British ally (and huge arms customer) concerned with “maintaining stability” in the region—stability of the status quo constantly threatened by Persian trouble-making.
Israel is of course a unique sort of parliamentary republic, a democracy of sorts (it being understood that Palestinians are second-class citizens). Religious law does not pertain as it does in many Islamic countries (although Jewish rabbinical courts are part of the justice system). Israeli leaders don’t care about Sunni-Shiite differences as they care about Iran’s support for numerous Arab enemies of Israel. And of course, they’ve said for years that Iran wants to wipe Israel off the map. (The Iranian president had quoted the late Ayatollah Khomeini as saying that “the occupation of Jerusalem will vanish from the page of time” but this was distorted and the misquote used to this day endlessly to justify the baseless charge that Iran plans to nuke Jerusalem.)
Iran, they keep saying, is an “existential threat” to Israel. It supports Assad, Hizbollah, at times Hamas. The Shah overthrown in 1979 had been a friend, but his successors call for “Death to Israel!” Binyamin Netanyahu has for decades shrieked about the immanent likelihood of an Iranian nuclear test; but it was all a ploy to get the U.S. to bomb Iran. Neither George W. Bush nor Barack Obama took the bait. (Dick Cheney probably would have. Or John McCain.)
Their joint efforts to urge U.S. action against Iran have brought Saudi Arabia and Israel into what is now an openly admitted relationship, a de facto anti-Iranian alliance. It is also an alliance against the Syrian regime that is aligned with Iran, Hizbollah, (sometimes) Hamas, and contests Israel’s occupation of the Golan Heights. With the U.S., these two countries constitute what we can call an axis—an axis opposed to the rest of the world’s right to deal with and trade with the Islamic Republic of Iran.
In Syria, the Syrian Arab Army with its international allies (including of course Russia) has largely won the conflict initiated in 2011, fueled by foreign jihadis. Al-Qaeda (Tahrir al-Sham) forces are concentrated now in Idlib Province—perhaps 10,000 according to Staffan de Mistura, UN special envoy on Syria. There are tens of thousands of others in aligned groups. They’ve been corralled there and now the Army is closing in. The pacification of that province could mark the end of the war and perhaps the end of the neocon project of region-wide regime change. (But again, Trump is unpredictable.)
It’s not clear that U.S. efforts to sabotage of the Iran Deal will work (and bring down the mullahs). But in the meantime, the U.S. may try to sabotage the reconquest of Idlib. When someone like Pompeo depicts this final chapter to a tragic conflict as a humanitarian catastrophe, it raises the prospect of U.S. force to prevent that humanitarian capacity. (Remember Libya?)
Now Trump warns Russia (in a tweet) against “recklessly” attacking Idlib. And the Israeli press reports that the U.S. is identifying Syrian government chemical weapons centers to strike, if necessary (as though there are such centers). RT reports a false-flag operation is probably being planned. There may be some release of sarin that the U.S. will use as a pretext for strikes—to protect the civilians of Idlib, of course.
The Saudis have been big supporters of some of the groups in Idlib; the Israelis continue to bomb Syrian army forces; the U.S. insists on its right to intervene and has thousands of troops in the country. They’re all there, probably coordinating strategy with Washington, towards both Syria and Iran.
The Exceptional Nation (that elected an idiot); the Nation-State of the Jewish People (that named a square and a high-speed train station after Trump); the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia headed by the Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques (who awarded Trump a gold medal). Such a fine Axis of Evil! But the axis pivots on Trump,  who may not be long on his throne.
Of course the evil that men do lives after their impeachments or whatever ignominious end. Pence who never dines with women other than his wife might have a fine time with the Saudis, and since he believes God gave Israel to the Jews (Gen. 12:3 etc.) he’ll have a fine time with the Israelis. But he may be perceived just as Trump is perceived by the world now: as an idiot incapable of providing positive leadership to anything, an abject bootlicker so outclassed by the likes of Merckel, Putin, Xi, Macron, Abe, etc. that he will not be able to put Humpty Dumpty back again.
May the Axis shatter on the rocks of defeat in Syria, Iranian resistance, world powers’ rejection of U.S. hegemony, Israeli isolation and a crippling U.S. political crisis.

As though we had any ground for doubt heretofore, we can now clearly see — in light of his end to $350 million in annual humanitarian assistance to five million Palestinian refugees — Donald Trump’s cruel and spiteful nature.
It was not enough to stack the so-called peace process against the Palestinians in every possible way, not least by appointing unabashed Israeli partisans as his envoys. It was not enough to give Israel a pass when it murdered noncombatants in Gaza and practiced apartheid in the West Bank. It was not enough to rub the Palestinians’ noses in their powerlessness by mocking their dream of East Jerusalem as the capital of a future Palestine.
No, he also had to deny the hapless and homeless refugees — victims of the Nakba, Israel’s systematic ethnic cleansing and expulsion of the Palestinians from their ancestral home in 1948 and again in 1967 — food, medicine, and, for their children, education through the UN Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East, UNRWA. (This is a reversal of Trump’s position of last year.) Just before that he cut $200 million in other Palestinian aid, including to the Israeli-besieged Gaza Strip prison, where half the population is under 18.
Indeed, Trump went still further by seeking to have most refugees declared nonrefugees (and therefore ineligible for a right of return to Palestine), defining them out of existence with the wave of a hand. He’s attempted, as Geoffrey Aronson put it, to “remove Palestinians from the diplomatic and humanitarian equation.” Of course, if he were to accomplish this end, it would relieve Israel’s rulers and military, as well as its pre-independence leaders and militias, of culpability for their crimes.
Some blame victims; others — like Trump and his ilk — pretend the victims don’t exist. Anyone who attempted something like this with respect to, say, Jews would properly have been denounced by all decent people.
Donald Trump is many things. What he is not is a mensch. But we knew that. This is the same guy who seizes children from parents (who lack government papers), seeks to kick people out of the country who were brought here “illegally” many years ago as children, and strives to deport even Americans with papers whom his administration eyes with suspicion.
A mensch does not act as though millions of people disappear merely because he chooses to ignore them. But Trump acts just that way, just as he acts as though the issue of East Jerusalem could be expected to go away simply by his moving the American embassy to Jerusalem and decreeing it the unified and eternal capital of the State of the Jewish People (anywhere and everywhere), that is, by taking Jerusalem, as he says, “off the table” — as though he had the power to do that. (“So let it be written. So let it be done.”)
Bear in mind that Trump’s move is a spending redirection, not a spending cut. Moreover, I plead no case for UNRWA. Again, as Aronson writes, “Palestinians are of two minds about the organization. No one can deny the health and educational benefits it provides, but the price paid for being wards of the international community is considerable, indeed for many unbearable.” He paraphrases what a woman in Gaza told him: “UNRWA was an abomination…, responsible for breeding complacency and fatalism among Palestinians and offering an excuse and a means for powers great and small to let the Palestinian problem fester.”
But UNRWA’s many failings cannot be used to justify Trump’s action. He’s not punishing UNRWA’s personnel; he’s punishing the Palestinians. He’s not looking for a better way to ease their dire situation. He’s looking to erase them in order to help Israel, although of course the resistance his actions will surely provoke will not be viewed favorably by allIsraelis. But, yes, I’m implying that some Israelis, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu among many, will welcome the resistance because they will use it to justify past and future brutality, oppression, and apartheid.
Axios reports that Netanyahu asked Trump to end U.S. funding of UNRWA. Netanyahu has thus also changed his position from the one that had the backing of Israel’s security apparatus, which favored a gradual reduction in funding but no cuts for Gaza out of security concerns. The thinking until now has been that succor for the refugees would keep them quiescent and take their minds off their right of return, even if that is revised to mean homes in the now-occupied Palestinian territories (the future Palestine) or cash compensation.
Unsurprisingly, Israel Hayom reports, “Israeli officials [i.e., politicians] welcomed reports Sunday indicating that U.S. President Donald Trump plans to act to end the Palestinian demand for a right of return and to cut hundreds of millions of dollars in funding for the U.N. agency for Palestinian refugees, a move they say is in line with Israeli policy.” The publication added, “A diplomatic official dismissed the criticism of a defense official who had been quoted as saying the U.S. decision ‘could set the area, which is already on the verge of a conflict, on fire.’” Jerusalem Affairs Minister Zeev Elkin praised Trump’s move, saying it “finally speaks the truth to the Arab lie that has been marketed all over the world for decades.”
What lie is that? That the Palestinians were terrorized by the Zionist militias and then Israeli army into fleeing their homes in 1948 and 1967? No serious person has doubted this since Israel’s New Historians scoured the government archives in the 1980s and documented the Nakba, the catastrophe. Long before that, however, scholars had debunked the lie that the Palestinians left voluntarily only when neighboring Arab rulers requested them to do so as a temporary wartime necessity. (But of course, even under that scenario Palestinian property owners would have a right to return to their homes.)
Let’s be clear: Trump has no intention of actually addressing the refugee situation, and Israel has no intention of treating any Palestinian justly. The criticism of UNRWA is simply a ruse for once again sticking it to the Palestinians. Why? Because Trump, like the rest of America’s ruling elite, favors Israel for geopolitical, domestic political, and cultural and ethnic reasons having nothing to do with justice, and he’s miffed that the Palestinians have rejected his “deal of the century,” which proposes to bribe them with Saudi economic aid to drop their grievances against Israel and abandon their longing for independence from the self-styled Jewish State. (See my “The Trump-Kushner Delusion on Palestine.”)
Trump’s die-hard supporters like to say his extreme measures and tweets are merely opening moves in his art of deal-making. So let’s go with that: he’s holding five million desperate people hostage in order to convince the corrupt Palestinian Authority to take his deal. That’s reassuring.
The “peace process” is and long has been a sham, and the United States has never been an “honest broker.” An authentic and promising peace-through-justice process would begin, quite literally, with an Israeli apology to all the victims who once lived in Palestine. Then all concerned may go about the business of establishing the terms for coexistence.
To bring this back to Trump (and Netanyahu, among others, I venture to say) and to end on a philosophical note, lately I have been reading Benedict Spinoza and some of his modern commentators. The 17th-century Portuguese-Dutch radical liberal rationalist wrote in the Ethics that persons for whom reason is not fully in the driver’s seat are to some extent passively driven by feelings and are therefore slaves rather than masters: “Human infirmity in moderating and checking the emotions I name bondage: for, when a man is prey to his emotions, he is not his own master, but lies at the mercy of fortune.” (Douglas Den Uyl [see reference below] points out that this statement does not fully capture Spinoza’s position because in his view, to the extent a person is guided by reason, he has no self-sabotagingemotions that need checking; rather, his emotions propel him in a virtuously rewarding direction. Perfection, of course, is never achieved, but only striven for.)
Reason and understanding thus constitute a person’s path to freedom: We shall readily see the difference between the man who is guided only by emotion or belief and the man who is guided by reason. The former, whether he will or not, performs actions of which he is completely ignorant. The latter does no one’s will but his own, and does only what he knows to be of greatest importance in life, which he therefore desires above all. So I call the former a slave and the latter a free man….
Spinoza further observed of the rational person, “His prime endeavor is to conceive things as they are in themselves and to remove obstacles to true knowledge [and hence to freedom, virtue, and “blessedness”], such as hatred, anger, envy, derision, pride, and similar emotions….”
Also, “Therefore he who aims solely from love of freedom to control his emotions and appetites will strive his best to familiarize himself with virtues and their causes and to fill his mind with the joy that arises from the true knowledge of them, while refraining from dwelling on men’s faults and abusing mankind and deriving pleasure from a false show of freedom.”
Completely ignorant … hatred … anger … envy … derision … pride … dwelling on men’s faults … abusing mankind … deriving pleasure from a false show of freedom.
Remind you of anyone?
Douglas Den Uyl, in his God, Man, & Well-Being: Spinoza’s Modern Humanism, writes, “The spiteful, the envious, the small-minded, and the jealous are particularly grievous under Spinoza’s philosophy. These negative emotions or patterns of conduct retard both the individual as well as the society around her.”
Have we a better description of Donald Trump? Indeed, the man who occupies the White House is the personification of Spinoza’s passive, weak, and hence self-enslaved man.

PALESTINA
In a new poll, the majority of Israeli Jews Believe they are "chosen people".
The majority of Israeli Jews — 56 per cent — believe that they are the “chosen people” according to a poll conducted by Haaretz. That figure is considerably higher amongst the political right in Israel, at 79 per cent.
The findings of the survey — carried out to mark the Jewish New Year — included a number of revealing facts about Israeli society and the direction of the country’s politics. A trend that may be of great concern to those who wish to see a political resolution in Palestine on the basis of international law and justice, is that more than half of Jewish Israelis believe that their perceived right to the “Land of Israel” derives from God’s divine covenant in the Bible.
With the vast majority of Israeli Jews holding such views, the authors of the poll suggested that under the surface a religious war is raging. The religious attitude of Israeli Jews, they said, was the “ominous subtext of the bitter political debate over territories.” The Israeli government, though, presents its quarrel with the Palestinians as being about security and realpolitik. The results of “blind faith,” they added, “are easily foretold and potentially dangerous.”
According to the poll, 54 per cent of Jewish Israelis believe in God, and another 21 per cent accept the existence of an undefined superior power other than God. This is significantly higher than Western European countries, but not the US, which has a similar percentage of people who believe in God.
This finding marked a key feature in the way that the conflict is moving in the international arena and the polarisation between Israel and US on the one hand and European allies on the other. “The tense political relations between both Israel and the European Union, and recently between the EU and Washington as well, can also be delineated by religious beliefs,” said the poll’s authors. “Israelis and Americans view Europe as godless and decadent, but for the Brahmins in Brussels, Israel and the United States are drifting into fundamentalist Crazyland.”

domingo, 8 de fevereiro de 2015

Israel vs Palestina: Operações militares II (07...1948-1949)



1948

Operation Danny Larlar. Esta operação do comando Palmach quebrou a trégua da posteriomente chamada guerra Israelo Árabe. Durou dez dias, de 9 a 19 de julho.
O objetivo das cinco brigadas de cerca de 6 mil soldados (liderados por Yigal Allon secundado por Yitzhak Rabin) e seus tanques e armas pesadas era capturar as cidades palestinas Lydda, Ramle, Latrun e Ramalla, que Israel considerava obstáculos aos transportes judeus para Jerusalém e "relief the threat to Tel Aviv". A operação foi em duas fases. A primeira de conquista de Lydda e Ramle foi alcançada no dia 13, quando ambas foram "esvaziadas" dos cerca de 70 mil habitantes. Restaram apenas umas centenas de gatos pingados vagando por ruas desertas e casas derrubadas. O aeroporto de Lydda e a estação ferroviária ficaram sob controle da IDF (Forças Armadas israelenses) já no dia 09.
A segunda fase era a de conquista de Latrun e de seu forte. No entando, este, em vez de civis palestinos amedrontados, estava protegido por resistentes determinados. Os batalhões israelenses ocuparam Saibit para cercar a cidade e sobretudo sitiar o forte e o atacaram duas vezes até serem vencidos pelo cansaço. Aí tiveram de desistir de Ramallah.

Documentário de Lauren Booth: Lydda death march

Operation Dekel: Foi a maior ofensiva israelense no norte da Palestina logo após a primeira trégua na chamada guerra Israelo-Árabe. Quem comandou a 7th Armoured Brigade foi o imigrante canadense Ben Dunkelman, que os israeenses chamavam de Benjamin Ben-David. O objetivo desta operação que contou com o apoio das Brigadas Carmeli e Golani entre os dias 8 e 18 de julho pretendia capturar Nazaré e a Baixa Galileia.
A data chave foi o dia 15 quando aviões de combate israelenses bombardearam Saffuriya espantando a população para Nazaré e para o Líbano. No fim da investida aérea só restava na cidade cerca de cem idosos que preferiram morrer do que abandonar sua casa.
No dia 16 Nazaré teve de render-se às já potentes forças armadas israelenses que só sofreram uma perda. Os resistentes eram poucos, suas armas obsoletas diante do arsenal da incipiente IDF e foram obrigados a buscar refúgio nas montanhas a fim de salvar a vida dos nazarenos.
Fato inusitado, Nazaré foi a única cidade palestina onde os moradores não foram forçados ao êxodo imediatamente. Graças a Dunkelman que recusou-se a obedecer as ordens de Haim Laskov para evacuar as famílias na marra.
Em seu livro Dual Allegiance, Dunkelman conta que "Haim Laskov [came] to me with astounding orders: Nazareth's civilian population was to be evacuated! I was shocked and horrified. I told him I would do nothing of the sort - in view of our promises to safeguard the city's people, such a move would be both superfluous and harmful. I reminded him that scarcely a day earlier, he and I,; as representatives of the Israeli army, had signed the surrender document in which we solemnly pledged to do nothing to harm the city or its population. When Haim saw that I refused to obey the order, he left."
Mas a esperança de escapar da diáspora durou pouco. Doze horas após a recusa de Dunkelman de faltar com a palavra, Laskov nomeou outro oficial, Avraham Yaffe, em seu lugar e este não teve nenhum escrúpulo de cumprir a ordem de expulsão dos nazarenos. Não fora ele que prometera e nem assinara nenhuma promessa contrária e isto lhe bastava. A moral que se danasse.
No final das contas David Ben-Gurion, sob pressão do padrinho estadunidense, acabou desistindo de "despopular" "totalmente" Nazareth de seus habitantes palestinos, cristãos, majoritariamente. 

Operation An-Far: Foi uma operação da Brigada Givati no fim da primeira trégua decretada pela ONU. Começou na noite de 8-9 de julho no sul da Judéia também com o fim de parar os egípcios e durou até o dia 15 de julho, aproveitando a atenção desviada para as operações Danny e Dekel. No fim os israelitas conseguiram conquistar o norte do Negev e o oeste do município de Hebron.
Como nos outros lugares, o 1st Batallion recebeu ordens de "expel the refugees encamped in the area". No fim da jornada militar, 16 vilarejos palestinos foram capturados, "despopulados" e mais de 20.000 refugiados engrossavam as estradas que levavam os nativos à diáspora.

Operation Death to the Invaders: Foi consequência da An-Far. Foi levada a cabo dos dias 16 a 18 de julho no noroeste do deserto do Negev. Seu objetivo era ligar os vilarejos judeus da área ao resto do território que Israel conquistara e ao que a ONU lhe outorgara. Eram os egípcios que obstaculavam a passagem dos colonos e Israel renovou os ataques aéreos contra eles e vários vilarejos palestinos - Bayt Jibrin, Idnibba, Isdud, Jilya, Mughallis, Qazaza - graças a seus caças recém-comprados/doados por seus aliados sionistas milionários.

Operation Kedem: Também aconteceu em julho com o propósito de capturar Jerusalém Oriental, incluindo a Cidade Antiga que a ONU estabelecera que ficaria em território palestino.
O Irgun e a Stern gang foram encarregados da "limpeza", mas o comandante David Shaltiel preferiu esperar pelo reforço do Haganah, que fora peça fundamental no massacre de Deir Yassin.
Ordenou que as milícias do Irgun e Stern, sob o comando de Yehuda Lapidot, primeiro capturassem Malha. Lá foram surpreendidos com uma resistência palestina ferrenha que culminou com a morte de 17 israelitas e de muitos feridos. Os irgunistas reiteraram a investida mas acabaram fracassando. Então Shaltiel disse para baterem em retirada. Jerusalém ficaria para mais tarde.

View from above em 2015 
Qisarya, um dos vilarejos despopulados no sudoeste de Haifa,  no dia 15 de maio de 1948

Operation Shoter ou Jaba: Durou três dias - de 24 a 26 de julho - em uma área chamada Little Triangle no sul de Haifa.
As Brigadas Golani, Carmeli e Alexandroni do Haganah foram encarregadas desta tarefa que começou uma semana após a segunda trégua imposta, em vão, pelas Nações Unidas. As mulheres e crianças palestinas só contaram com a proteção de seus pais, irmãos e maridos improvisados em resistentes.
O objetivo desta investida israelita era "limpar" a estrada entre Haifa e Tel Aviv que os palestinos haviam bloqueado aos judeus que tinham de dar uma longa volta para chegar a seu destino.
Segundo as Nações Unidas - que concluiu que o ataque era injustificado - no dia 26 de julho quando os vilarejos de Ayn Ghazal, Ijzime Jaba haviam se rendido, o Little Triangle estava despopulado de mais 8.000 nativos. Mortos ou expulsos de suas casas. Os demais - Balad ash-Sheikh, Umm az-Zinat, Tantura já haviam sido "expurgados" em abril-maio, e Tira, no dia 16 de julho.

Operation GYS, sigla formada pelos nomes das brigadas do Haganah que participaram - Golani, Yiftach, Sergei.
Esta foi dividida em GYS1 e GYS2. Ambas no norte do Negev.
A primeira pretendia capturar Fallujah e Iraq al-Manshiyya a fim de enfraquecer os egípcios e abrir uma passagem para o Negev. Mas já no dia 27 o exército egípcio cercou os batalhões israelitas os obrigando a bater em retirada.
A segunda foi mais modesta e bem sucedida. Visava apenas abastecer os enclaves judeus nas paragens com víveres transportados por um comboio de 20 caminhões.
A terceira tentativa foi a Operation Way to the Negev, que fracassou e o transporte foi feito por via aérea durante dois meses em outra operação chamada Avak que durou de agosto a outubro.

Operations Moshe e Yoav, nas quais as tropas da IDF tomaram Beersheba, Beit Hanoun e ocuparam o Separation Corridor no dia 21 de outubro.


Operation Hiram: Hiram foi o rei de Tyre que segundo o Antigo Testamento foi de grande importância na construção do templo de Salomão em Jerusalém.
Esta empreitada maléfica foi dirigida pelo general Moshe Carmel, visava a captura da Alta Galileia onde Fawzj al-Qawuil continuava resistindo ao assalto dos invasores com um grupo de palestinos e sírios. Durou 60 horas. Do dia 29 a 31 de outubro. Ficou na história por causa dos massacres que a marcaram.
Centenas de palestinos foram exterminados e mais de 50 mil se safaram fugindo para o Líbano onde virariam refugiados. Foi assim que o recém-auto-criado Estado de Israel assumiu o controle da Galileia. Região que na partilha a ONU definira que ficaria na Palestina.
No dia 26 de setembro David Ben Gurion já anunciara o que pretendia. Disse à sua equipe que na provável retomada do combate (após a trégua que a ONU forçara no dia 18 de julho) a Galileia ficaria naki (limpa) e reik (vazia). Dito e feito.
Na madrugada do dia 22 de outubro, sob provocação, a resistência palestina atacou soldados da IDF e Israel disse que então "felt free to do as it pleased." E foi o que fez.
As centenas de soldados das brigadas Carmeli, Golani, Oded e Seventh estavam preparadas e atacaram sem piedade. A ordem era "to destroy the enemy in the central Galilee pocket", ocupar a Galileia inteira e estabelecer uma nova fronteira. O comandante Yigael Yadin recebeu um bilhete de Weitz ordenando inclusive a expulsão dos "refugiados" das áreas conquistadas.
As primeiras cidades a sofrerem o ataque dos caças israelenses foram SalihaTarshiha, Jish e Sa'sa.
Na primeira, 24 habitantes foram mortos de imediato e cerca de 60 foram enterrados nos escombros das casas bombardeadas. Em Jish, segundo um relatório da própria IDF, "150-200 Arabs, including a number of civilians died in the battle". De fato, mais de 200 corpos foram encontrados lá.
E depois de conquistarem Safsaf, as tropas israelenses continuaram a ensanguentar casas, ruas e cidades.
Em poucas horas, 15 vilarejos foram riscados do mapa e insatisfeito com o massacre, Ben Gurion autorizou suas tropas a caçarem no Líbano os palestinos que escaparam.
Nas últimas horas da operação, o general Makleff, enibriado pelo rio de sangue derramado, solicitou permissão ao Primeiro Ministro para ir até Beirute e ocupá-la - alegando que conseguiria alcançar seu objetivo em 12 horas.
No entanto, Ben Gurion recusou, não por commpaixão ou menos ambição expansionista e sim por recear a reação internacional ao genocídio que já estava sendo condenado até por judeus ilustres como Hanna Arendt e Albert Einstein, que sem papas na língua, chamavam os grupos para-militares judeus de terroritas.
Além disso, já havia libaneses ricos e poderosos espalhados pelo mundo, ao contrário dos palestinos que não tinham dinheiro nem padrinho.
Diante da amplidão dos massacres, a ONU decretou que um cessar-fogo começasse no dia 31 de outubro, às 11 horas.
Então, em telex datado das 10 horas desse dia, o general Moshe Carmel enviou a seus batalhões a seguinte ordem: "Do all in your power for a quick and immediate "tihur" (clearing) of the conquered areas of all the hostile elements in line with the orders that have been issued. The inhabitants of the areas conquered should be assisted to leave".
A determinação onusiana de cessar-fogo caiu no vazio.
Do dia 31 de outubro ao dia 01 de novembro, os soldados israelenses entraram em Hula e renovaram o holocausto, este, não de judeus, mas de árabes cristãos e muçulmanos.
Espantar os moradores, forçá-los ao êxodo, não era tarefa assim tão fácil.
Cerca de 50 homens capturados foram executados em uma casa que depois foi explodida para não ficar rastro. Ninguém nos vilarejos resistira.
No fim deste massacre entre os muitos que ficaram conhecidos como Naqba, cerca de 400 civis palestinos estavam mortos, 550 detidos, dezenas de vilarejos da Galileia estavam destruídos, e como disse Ilan Pappe dando exemplo de apenas quatro cidades: Kfar Bir'im, Malkiyya, Rama e Suhmata, "the only village to remain intact was Tama. The other three were occupied and destroyed." Segundo o professor israelense, o "Hebrew noun tihur (cleansing) assumed new meanings during this time period."
Novo significado de "limpeza", mas em sentido amplo. Além de passar a significar expulsão e destruição de uma cidade, passou a significar também outras atividades tais como operações de "caça" humana e expulsões.
O jornalista inglês Robert Fisk entrevistou vários palestinos refugiados no Líbano e Nimr Aoun, um dos dois sobreviventes do massacre em Saliha, contou o seguinte: when the Jewish army arrived, leaflets were handed over to villagers saying they would be spared if they surrendered, which they duly did. The area was surrounded by thirteen tanks (/other accounts speak of 10 armoured cars) and, while the villagers stood together, the Israelis opened fire." Ele sobreviveu, apesar de ferido, se escondendo sob cadáveres de amigos e familiares e depois se arrastando durante a noite, encontrando um burro e alcançando Maroun onde foi socorrido. Nimr Aoun contou também que The villagers were summoned from a crier to assemble in the village square in front of a mosque. Two Israeli officers sipped coffee as the locals gathered. The crowd was then asked to hand over their weapons, and then the Arabic-speaking officer turned to converse with his troops, after which machine guns on top of the armoured cars opened fire and killed some 70 villagers. The corpses were left to rot for four days, and then Israeli bulldozers came and piled them into the mosque, which was then blown up with explosives". Segundo Aoun, os moradores se alojaram precariamente nas imediações ou no sul do Líbano com parentes esperando que os para-militares israelitas partissem para poderem retornar às suas casas. Retorno que nunca conseguiram. Acabaram tendo de instalar-se em campos de refugiados no subúrbio de Shabriha em Tyr.
A carnificina foi tão grande que até um oficial do Haganah, Yoseph Nahmani, desabafou sobre seus líderes sionistas: Where did they come by such a measure of cruelty, like Nazis? Is there no more humane way of expelling the inhabitants than by such methods?'
Pelo jeito, não. Aprenderam a lição dos nazistas e a aprimoraram na "limpeza" da Palestina.
Assim terminou o ano de 1948. Com a Naqba de vento em popa e com os palestinos perdendo a Galileia, região preponderantemente cristã que caiu em mãos de pessoas sem nenhum respeito pelos sítios cristãos.


Nesse ano ainda houve uma sequência de operações militares mais ou menos bem-sucedidas contra os egípcios para o controle da Palestina.
Operation Shmone, no dia 9 de novembro.
Operation Lot: A fim de criar um corredor para o Mar Morto, esta operação que ocorreu do dia 23 a 25 de novembro foi possível por causa da conquista de Beersheba no mês anterior.
Operation Assaf: Operaçãozinha executada entre as duas grandes de Yoav e Horev para controlar o Negev.
No dim de 1948 o território palestino estava diminuído de dois terços.


Em 1949, apenas uma operação se ressaltou. Com muitas batalhas semelhantes à de 1948.
Operation UvdaUvda significa Fato em hebraico. Isto porque os israelenses queriam assegurar a posse, de fato, do sul do deserto do Negev, cuja propriedade a Jordânia reivindicava embora a ONU a houvesse presenteado a Israel ao fazer a partilha da Palestina.
Esta operação foi conduzida pela IDF dos dias 5 a 10 de março e foi a última da chamada Arab-Israeli War. Seu objetivo era capturar o que "lhe era devido".
Israel sempre se preocupou em lucro em todos os sentidos. Queria o que a ONU lhe havia dado sem ceder um milímetro do que era do Direito alheio ancestral e do Direito internacional propriamente dito. A Naqba aconteceu também por isso, pela cobiça sionista insasiável.
Nesse período, mais de 400 cidades palestinas foram despopuladas. Muitas delas foram completamente destruídas após serem pilhadas. (Blog de 15/05/11)


Norman Finkelstein explica o "armistício" de 1949

Documentário de Rawan Damen: Al Nakba  
II
In English, legendado em português (102'')

Depoimento de Uri Avnery, ex-para-militar do Hagannah, sobre estas operações militares israelenses.
1948
"One day, I hope, a "Truth and Reconciliation Commission", on the South African model, will be set up her, It should be composed of Israeli, Palestinian and international historians, whose job will be to establish what really happened in this country in 1948.
In the 60 years that have passed since then, the events of the war have been buried under layer upon layer of Israeli and Palestinian, Jewish and Arab propaganda. A quasi-archeological excavation is needed in order to expose the bottom layer. Even the eye-witnesses who are still alive sometimes have problems distinguishing between what they actually saw and the myths that have twisted and falsified the events almost beyond recognition.
I am one of the eye-witnesses. In the last few days, on the occasion of the 60th anniversary, dozens of radio and television interviewers from all over the world have been asking me to describe what actually happened. Here are some of these questions and my answers to them. (If I repeat things I have already written about, I apologize.)
- How was this war different from others?
First of all, it was not one war but two, which followed one another without a break.
The first war was fought between the Jews and the Arabs in the country. It started on the morrow of the UN General Assembly resolution of November 29, 1947, which decreed the partition of Palestine between a Jewish and an Arab state. It lasted until the proclamation of the State of Israel on May 14, 1948. That day marked the start of the second war - the one between the State of Israel and the neighboring countries, which threw their armies into the battle.
This was not a war between two countries for a piece of land between them, like the wars between Germany and France over Alsace. Neither was it a fratricidal struggle, like the American Civil War, where both sides belonged to the same nation. I categorize it as an "ethnic war".
Such a war is fought out between two different peoples who live in the same country, each of which claims the whole country for itself. In such a war, the aim is not only to achieve a military victory, but also to take possession of as much of the country as possible without the population of the other side. That is what happened when Yugoslavia broke up and when, not by accident, the odious term "ethnic cleansing" was born.
- Was the war inevitable?
At the time, I hoped until the last moment that it could be avoided (about that, later.) In retrospect it is clear to me that it was already too late.
The Jewish side was determined to establish a state of its own. This was one of the fundamental aims of the Zionist movement, founded 50 years earlier, and was strengthened a hundredfold after the Holocaust, which had come to an end only two and a half years before.
The Arab side was determined to prevent the establishment of a Jewish state in the country which they (rightly) considered an Arab country. That's why the Arabs started the war.
- What did you, the Jews, think when you went to war?
When I enlisted at the beginning of the war, we were totally convinced that we were faced with the danger of annihilation and that we were defending ourselves, our families and the entire Hebrew community. The phrase "There Is No Alternative" was not just a slogan, but a deeply felt conviction. (When I say "we", I mean the community in general and the soldiers in particular.) I don't think that the Arab side was imbued with quite the same conviction. That was their undoing.
This explains why the Jewish community was totally mobilized from the first moment on. We had a unified leadership (even The Irgun and the Stern Group accepted its authority) and a unified military force, which rapidly assumed the character of a regular army.
Nothing like this happened on the Arab side. They had no unified leadership, and no unified Arab-Palestinian army, which meant they could not concentrate their forces at the crucial points. But we learned this only after the war.
- Did you think that you were the stronger side?
Not at all. At the time, the Jews constituted only a third of the population. The hundreds of Arab villages throughout the country dominated the main arteries that were crucial to our survival. We suffered heavy casualties in our efforts to open them, especially the road to Jerusalem. We honestly felt that we were "the few against the many".
Slowly, the balance of power shifted. Our army became more organized and learned from its experience, while the Arab side still depended on "faz'ah" - the one-time mobilization of local villagers equipped with their own old weapons. From April 1948 on, we started to receive large quantities of light weapons from Czechoslovakia, which were sent to us on Stalin's orders. In the middle of May, when the expected intervention of the Arab armies was approaching, we were already in possession of a contiguous territory.
- In other words, you drove the Arabs out?
This was not yet "ethnic cleansing" but a by-product of the war. Our side was preparing for the massive attack of the Arab armies and we could not possibly leave a large hostile population at our rear. This military necessity was, of course, intertwined with the more or less conscious desire to create a homogeneous Jewish territory.
In the course of the years, opponents of Israel have created a conspiracy myth about " plan D", as if it had been the mother of ethnic cleansing. In reality that was a military plan for creating a contiguous territory under our control in preparation for the crucial confrontation with the Arab armies.
- Do you say that at this stage there was not yet a basic decision to drive all the Arabs out?
One has to remember the political situation: according to the UN resolution, the "Jewish state" was to include more than half of Palestine (as it existed in 1947 under the British Mandate). In this territory, more than 40% of the population was Arab. The Arab spokesmen argued that it was impossible to set up a Jewish state in which almost half the population was Arab and demanded the withdrawal of the partition resolution. The Jewish side, which stuck to the partition resolution, wanted to prove that it was possible. So there were some efforts (in Haifa, for example) to convince the Arabs not to leave their homes. But the reality of the war itself caused the mass exodus.
It must be understood that at no stage did the Arabs "flee the country". In general, things happened this way: in the course of the fighting, an Arab village came under heavy fire. Its inhabitants - men, women and children - fled, of course, to the next village. Then we fired on the next village, and they fled to the next one, and so forth, until the armistice came into force and suddenly there was a border (the Green Line) between them and their homes. The Deir Yassin massacre gave another powerful push to the flight.
Even the inhabitants of Jaffa did not leave the country - after all, Gaza, where they fled, is also a part of Palestine.
- In that case, when was the start of the "ethnic cleansing" you spoke about?
In the second half of the war, after the advance of the Arab armies was halted, a deliberate policy of expelling the Arabs became a war aim on its own.
For truth's sake, it must be remembered that this was not one-sided. Not many Arabs remained in the territories that were conquered by our side, but, also, no Jew remained in the territories that were conquered by the Arabs, such as the Etzion Bloc kibbutzim and the Jewish Quarter in the Old City of Jerusalem. The Jewish inhabitants were killed or expelled. The difference was quantitative: while the Jewish side conquered large stretches of land, the Arab side succeeded only in conquering small areas.
The real decision was taken after the war: not to allow the 750 thousand Arab refugees to return to their homes.
- What happened when the Arab armies entered the battle?
At the beginning, our situation looked desperate. The Arab armies were regular troops, well trained (mostly by the British), and equipped with heavy arms: warplanes, tanks and artillery, while we had only light weapons - rifles, machine guns, light mortars and some ineffective anti-tank weapons. Only in June did heavy arms start to reach us.
I myself took part in the unloading of the first fighter planes that reached us from Czechoslovakia. They had been produced for the German Wehrmacht. Over our heads "German" planes on our side (Messerschmitts) were fighting "British" planes flown by Egyptians (Spitfires) .
- Why did Stalin support the Jewish side?
On the eve of the UN resolution, the Soviet representative, Andrei Gromyko, gave a passionately Zionist speech. Stalin's immediate aim was to get the British out of Palestine, where they might otherwise allow the stationing of American missiles. A sometimes forgotten fact should be mentioned here: the Soviet Union was the first state to recognize Israel de jure, immediately after the declaration of independence. The US recognized Israel at the time only de facto.
Stalin did not turn his back on Israel till some years later, when Israel openly joined the American bloc. At that time, Stalin's anti-Semitic paranoia also became apparent. The policy-makers in Moscow were then of the opinion that the rising tide of Arab nationalism was a better bet.
- What did you personally feel during the war?
On the eve of the war, I still believed in a "Semitic" partnership of all the inhabitants of the country. One month before the outbreak of war I published the booklet "War or Peace in the Semitic Region", in which I propounded this idea. In retrospect it is clear to me that this was far too late.
When the war broke out, I immediately joined a combat brigade (Givati). In the last days before I was called up I managed - together with a group of friends - to publish another booklet, entitled "From Defense to War", in which I proposed conducting the war with a view to the nature of the subsequent peace. (I was much influenced by the British military commentator Basil Liddell Hart, who advocated such a course during World War II.)
My friends at the time tried very strongly to convince me not to enlist, so I could remain free for the much more important task of voicing my opinions throughout the war. I felt that that they were quite wrong - that the place of every decent and fit young man at such a time was in the combat units. How could I stay at home when thousands of my age-group were risking their lives day and night? And besides, who would ever listen to my voice again if at the crucial moment of our national existence I did not fulfill my duty?
At the beginning of the war I was a private soldier in the infantry and fought around the road to Jerusalem, and in the second half I served in the Samson's Foxes motorized commando unit on the Egyptian front. That allowed me to see the war from dozens of different vantage points.
Throughout the war I wrote up my experiences. My reports appeared in the newspapers at the time and were later collected in a book entitled "In the Fields of the Philistines, 1948" (which will soon appear in English). The military censors did not allow me to dwell on the negative sides, so immediately after the war I wrote a second book called "The Other Side of the Coin", disguised as a literary work, so I did not have to submit it to censorship. There I reported, inter alia, that we had received orders to kill every Arab who tried to return home.
- What did the war teach you?
The atrocities I witnessed turned me into a convinced peace activist. The war taught me that there is a Palestinian people, and that we shall never achieve peace if a Palestinian state does not come into being side by side with our state. That this has not yet happened is one of the reasons why the 1948 war is still going on to this very day." Uri Avnery, 10/05/2008