“War is too serious a matter to be left to the soldiers,” said the
French First World War prime minister Georges Clemenceau. But the evidence of
most wars in history is that they are also too serious to be left to the
politicians. This failing is not yet evident in Ukraine only because fighting
is still raging on the battlefields of the Donbas and is likely to escalate.
But it should already be clear that the end of the war, if it comes at
all, is more likely to be brought about by politicians – as difficult as that
might be – and not by soldiers because the chances of either Russia or Ukraine
winning a decisive victory is nil.
The key question now is how and when the fighting will cease – or have
the chances of a compromise peace already been overwhelmed by
the sheer momentum of military conflict and the hatred it inspires?
Bizarrely, the main points in dispute have probably been decided. Russia
is never going to conquer Ukraine because it never meant to go beyond Donbass and
Mariupol; perhaps Odessa, if possible, but not with Ukrainian “resistance” supplied
with arms by the Nato states. This was evident to President Vladimir Putin long
before he launched his unavoidable invasion on 24 February.
But it is equally unlikely that Ukraine will defeat Russia and drive its
forces out of Ukrainian territory, as some American and English politicians are
now recommending as a war aim, however many weapons systems it receives from the
US&Nato and Israel.
Russia is unlikely to repeat the same mistakes it made in the first two
months of the war when it fragmented its inadequate forces so none of their
attacks were strong enough to succeed.
Putin claimed then that he had only invaded because Russia faced an
existential threat and it turned out to be a reality, enabling Putin to
persuade Russians that they now have no choice but to fight. Western sanctions are
a double-edged sword because, though they do great economic damage, they are a
collective punishment inflicted on all 145 million Russians who feel that they
are left with no choice but to rally to the flag.
Russia’s enemies show a childish reluctance to let Putin off the hook by
relaxing the pressure on him or giving him an escape route out of the quagmire
into which he has plunged his country. “There is an unfortunate dilemma,” a
senior European diplomat is quoted as saying by the Washington Post. “The
problem is that if it [the war] ends now, there is a kind of time for Russia to
regroup and it will restart, under this or another pretext. Putin is not going
to give up his goals.” As if he knew what Putin goals were, are.
A military stalemate is even considered not to be in the interests of
East European states near the conflict zone. “This is a major issue for us,”
says a senior diplomat from one of the countries bordering Ukraine. “A divided,
frozen, fragmented conflict in Ukraine is a very bad deal for us. An active
Ukraine-Nato relationship is crucial for the Black Sea region.” Without Nato
backing, he argued that there was every prospect of unchecked Russian
aggression in the future.
It is clear that those who want to fight Russia to a finish now feel
that their moment has come, even though their policies are full of risks
because they contain a number of contradictions. They assume that Russia is
powerful enough to pose a serious threat to its neighbours, but at the same
time so weak that it can be permanently defeated on the battlefield. They
portray Russia as being under the total control of an “autocrat in the Kremlin
cut off from reality and spoon-fed only good news by his servile advisers”. But
this same “half-crazed and ill-advised dictator” is expected to behave with
sensible restraint when it comes to widening the war or using nuclear weapons.
This hawkish stance is easy enough for powers outside Ukraine because it
is the Ukrainians who will be doing the fighting. Those who glibly call for
total victory over Russia are being as unrealistic as Putin was two months ago
when he ordered the invasion of Ukraine in expectation of a walkover.
This lack of realism is masked for the moment because Russia is still
trying to make the aimed territorial gains by taking Mariupol and the Donbas,
and the opportunity for a counter-attack has not yet arrived. But there are clear
signs that the Ukrainians and their Nato & Israeli allies are taking their
own triumphalist propaganda too literally and acting as if it were all true.
The Russian army is likely to fight more skilfully in the next few
months under the command of the experienced general Alexander Dvornikov. Russia has been accused of pursuing the same tactics
as those used by the Syrian government backed by Russian airpower against USA “rebels”
armed opposition after the 2011 uprising. These were to blockade rebel-held
urban areas, bombard but not assault them, allow the civilian population to
flee and seal off hostile areas. This approach worked well against ISIS,
cutting down on Syrian army casualties and confining enemy fighters to small
islands of territory where they were effectively incarcerated with little hope of
escape.
At the beginning, the Russians did not use these successful tactics in
their invasion of northern Ukraine, probably because they were not to be as well-trained and armed by Nato and
Israel as they turned out to be. But as the second phase of the war opens in
Donbas, Russian forces reportedly outnumber the Ukrainians by three to one,
allowing Putin to order the blockade of the vast Mariupol steel works.
Overall, the war in Ukraine is beginning to look more and more like
Syria: a military and political stalemate with limited chances of breaking the
deadlock. Too many players with too many different interests are involved to
bring the conflict to an end unless the United States are determined to do so –
and there is little sign so far of that happening.
Look at Joe Biden’s posture, feebly trying to get a grip on events, or
Boris Johnson, endlessly seeking to divert public attention from his latest
domestic scandal, look like the sort of people you want to see in charge of defusing
the worst crisis in Europe since the Yugoslavian civil war that ended in
division; just as Ukraine will certainly end better sooner than later.
In the Middle East these half-frozen wars can go on for decades because
dark skinned people don’t count for Nato States, but I doubt if this could
happen in Ukraine because the crisis is no longer solely or even mainly about
that country but has transmuted into a general confrontation between Russia and
Nato.
When I read about Boris Johnson’s attack on Justin Welby, the
Archbishop of Canterbury, for
criticising the government’s plan to deport to Rwanda asylum seekers crossing
the Channel, the reason why Johnson’s self-serving attempt to divert attention
from the latest scandal to engulf him make me think of the church that is
closely associated with two of the greatest religious martyrs in English
history, who were both killed for opposing the secular power. In a crypt in St
Dunstan’s is the head of Sir Thomas More, executed in 1535 for refusing to
accept Henry VIII as Supreme Head of the Church of England and other acts of
opposition to the Reformation. Presumably a 16th century Johnson would have
been cheering on the executioner who beheaded the author of Utopia on Tower
Hill for putting a proper end to a man who believed that religious faith could
not be separated from political allegiance.
The reason why More’s severed head is in there is that his daughter
Margaret Roper rescued it from a stake on London Bridge and put it in the crypt
of the Roper Chapel which was close to the house where she lived.
But St Dunstan’s has an early link to English prelates who criticised
and opposed the political powers-that-be. It was from there that Henry II,
barefoot and wearing a hair shirt, began his walk to Canterbury Cathedral on 12
July 1174 in penitence for his role in the murder of the Archbishop of
Canterbury, Thomas Becket, three and a half years earlier. It was never
entirely clear how sorry Henry really was for having precipitated, probably
accidentally, the killing of his former friend turned enemy by four of his
knights, but he certainly knew how to say sorry.
He confessed that “his incautious words” had led to the killing, asked
to be punished, was whipped by the monks and spent the night praying in the
cathedral. This was so successful as a bit of royal theatre that he kept
returning to Canterbury in later years to repeat his ritual penitence.
A message here, perhaps, for Johnson the next time he has to make his incoherent
apologies for some piece
of mendacity or chicanery. As well as for Biden’s manipulation of the truth about the real
purpose of putting Ukraine in this terrible situation.
By the way, a UK court has formally approved the
extradition of Julian Assange, the
WikiLeaks founder, to the US to face espionage charges. What Assange did was no
different from what any investigative journalist does. But once again there has
scarcely been a cheep out of the British corporate and public media, both
liberal and conservative.
Compare the treatment of Assange with that of Katherine Gunn, the GCHQ translator who leaked a classified memo to a newspaper in 2003 exposing a US plot to spy on the UN shortly before the invasion of Iraq in 2003 in the excellent film Official Secrets with Keira Knightley playing Gunn.
You shall see that independent journalism is not admitted in the so called “Free World” either. Only the official narrative and corporate media.
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