Nesse ínterim, morreram três crianças gazauís que aguardavam
a mesma autorização do Ministério da Saúde da Autoridade Palestina para obter tratamento
urgente. O problema é que não eram estrangeiros, nem gatinhos, e sendo só
humanos e gazauís, não conseguiram autorização de segurança. Ser de Gaza, hoje,
é pior do que ser yemenita, sírio, ou qualquer outro povo que sofra horrors.
Piores do que os de Gaza, não conheço.
Nos últimos meses 1.574 habitantes de Gaza solicitaram
a mesma autorização para tratamento médico urgente, para doenças graves, na
Cisjordânia ou for a. Até agora, apenas o gatinho ucraniano foi aprovado. Só o
caso do gato com a mandíbula quebrada foi considerado humanitário o suficiente
tanto por Abu Mazem quanto por Israel. No tocante aos israelenses é
compreensível, pois para eles os palestinos não passam de baratas esmagáveis.
Abu Mazem é outra história, talvez pior. O president da
AP decidiu recentemente punir os gazauís por não se revoltarem contra o Hamas,
que é o governo eleito, parando de financiar os setores mais vitais e indispensáveis
à sobrevivência precária da população de Gaza: saúde, electricidade e água. O
resultado é que a Faixa está mergulhada na escuridão, sem esgoto, carente de 35%
dos medicamentos básicos, e com a maioria dos hospitais inoperante, já que estão
privados de medicamentos e electricidade.
Porém, o orçamento da AP desde 2014 aumentou por causa
da Faixa, à qual a ONU fornece o que hoje constitui a metade do orçamento
global da AP. Ora, o dinheiro que Abu Mazem deveria usar para pagar os salários
dos funcionários gazauís, a verba para saúde, e tudo o mais, o final das
contas, é gerada por Gaza, que não recebe um centavo. O que dá à AP uma margem
de lucro de cerca de US $ 610 milhões anuais para gastar em Ramallah, enquanto
Gaza está estagnada.
Para piorar a situação dos gazauís, Abu Mazen cortou
também 30% do salário dos funcionários da AP na Faixa para assegurar uma boa
renda dos de Ramallah. Os que são pagos em dia e corretamente, são obrigados a
virar informantes ou divulgadores de boatos que desestabilizem a Faixa. Alguns
chegaram a ser forçados a executar atentados contra o Hamas ou para que o Hamas seja acusado.
Neste contexto, não é de se estranhar que Israel
esteja estimulando o retorno de Mohammed Dahlan à Palestina para garantir que terá um
outro vassalo quando o povo não aguentar mais Mahmoud Abbas. Dahlan é acusado de
ter sido agente de Israel na Faixa (e talvez no exílio) e suspeito até da morte
de Yasser Arafat que teria sido arquitetada por Ariel Sharon.
O problema com os nossos povos da América, Ásia,
África, árabes, Israel, é que temos a mentalidade atrasada. Daí a tolerância e
a recrudescência de corrupção nas altas esferas. Ela é uma prática
quotidiana em doses homeopáticas e na política toma proporções mirabolantes, conforme o dinheiro
que o país dispõe.
Abu Mazen e os funcionários da AP são corruptos, vivem na ilha-Ramallah e se
preocupam mais com seu conforto do que com o seu povo e o destino de sua nação.
É por isso que fazem tantas concessões a Israel e deixaram a Cisjordânia ser
gradualmente ocupada por estrangeiros reclamando em voz baixa e sem mexer uma
palha.
É por isso que não querem nem ouvir falar em Marwan
Barghouti em Tel Aviv nem em Ramallah. Marwan é um líder de mãos limpas, ideias
claras e a determinação de conquistar para seu povo Liberdade e dignidade. Sua liberdade é a última esperança para uma solução menos injusta desta ocupação interminável.
Dear lord… Please Have Mercy on Gaza!
The embattled 81-year-old Palestinian president, Mahmoud Abbas, has been in power since 2005. His reign has not brought the Palestinian people any closer to freedom and independence, but where is he leading them to now?Abbas’ setbacks and failures have put the Palestinian cause in the worst position it has been since Israel’s creation in 1948.
Abbas was elected president of the Palestinian National Authority (PNA) in January 2005 following Yasser Arafat’s death under suspicious circumstances in November 2004. He is president of the state of Palestine, leader of Fatah and chairman of the PLO. He is committed to negotiations with Israel based on a two-state solution, and has been since he signed the 1993 Oslo Accords on the White House Lawn to great cheers.
In short, he has played a hugely significant role in leading the Palestinians as a negotiator, a prime minster and a president and, while the blame for his administration’s failure can be shared among a number of key personnel, he set the overall direction of travel and must therefore carry the can for its disastrous consequences.
Under his watch, the Palestinians scored a small number of successes, including an upgrade of Palestine’s membership of the United Nations to a non-member observer state in 2012 allowing it to join several international organisations including UNESCO and the International Criminal Court. This was part of a strategy to internationalise the conflict.
Abbas may well argue that another of his successes has been the security coordination with Israel instigated under Oslo. It is one of the strongest cards Palestinians have to threaten Israel. Abbas has, however, called it “sacred”, arguing, “If we give up security coordination, there will be chaos here. There will be rifles and explosions and armed militants everywhere,”
Beyond this list, it is difficult to point to any other significant successes. On the contrary, Abbas’ setbacks and failures have put the Palestinian cause in the worst position it has been since Israel’s creation in 1948.
The Oslo Accords were meant to deliver a Palestinian state within five years. Twenty-four years and countless negotiations between the Israeli and Palestinian side, mostly led for the Palestinians by Saeb Erekat, later, and there is no Palestinian state.
And while 136 member states of the UN recognise Palestine, of the so-called international community, only Sweden has afforded this recognition to the Palestinians. Significantly, neither Israel, nor the US recognise Palestine as a state, arguing recognition should only come at the negotiation table.
The more Abbas gives, the more Israel and its American backers led by a fanatically pro-Israel team will want.
The last significant attempt at peace talks, led by US secretary of state John Kerry, ended in complete failure in 2014 and was followed by Israel’s third war on Gaza in which more than 2,000 Palestinians were killed. As he was leaving office, Kerry laid much of the blame for failure of the talks at Israel’s door, singling out its settlement policy led by the “most right-wing”government in its history.
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu promised the Israeli electorate that there would be no Palestinian state under his watch in 2015. A significant number of his cabinet colleagues are against a state ever materialising and believe in the annexation of significant chunks of the West Bank to Israel.
Abbas remains committed to restarting negotiations with Israel and is now banking on the Trump administration to launch another initiative.
How can one be so stupid, so long?
In 1993, the number of settlers in the West Bank including East Jerusalem stood at 148,000. By the time Abbas had taken over as president, they had reached 440,000. Under his presidency, the number has risen to almost 600,000.
They live in 127 illegal settlements "recognised" by the interior ministry as "communities" and about 100 illegal "outposts". In 2005, Israel vacated 16 settlements in Gaza under Ariel Sharon’s unilateral "disengagement" plan.
The ever rising number of settlers and settlements has for many analysts already ended the prospect of a viable Palestinian state emerging.
Relationship between PNA and Hamas
Ever since its creation in 1987 shortly after the start of the first intifada, Hamas has pursued a significantly different approach to the conflict than Abbas’s Fatah party based on the liberation of historic Palestine and the establishment of an Islamic state in the area.
Left with no hope of a just solution that brings them freedom, the Palestinian people will rise again.
In 2006, it decided to combine its military strategy with participation in the Palestinian Legislative Council (PLC) elections which it won handsomely. Abbas accepted the results and asked Ismael Haniyeh to form a government, which was then boycotted by the international community.
Following a bloody confrontation between Fatah and Hamas in Gaza in 2006, Israel imposed a siege on Gaza which continues to this day. The Egyptian border crossing at Rafah has effectively been closed since January 2015
Despite many attempts at reconciliation between the two factions, the division between Hamas and Fatah remains deep. Hamas rules Gaza and Fatah rules the West Bank. The two million Palestinians of the Gaza Strip have paid a heavy price for this division.
Price paid by Palestinians in Gaza increases - again
Frustrated by a lack of progress in ending the division, but perhaps playing to the Israeli and American gallery under US President Trump, Abbas has recently undertaken several steps to pressure Hamas which may result in the formal separation of Gaza from the West Bank.
In recent weeks, he slashed the salaries paid to 60,000 civil servants in Gaza and informed Israel that the PNA would no longer pay for the electricity it supplies to Gaza which has reduced the supply to the strip to a couple of hours a day
This hits not only ordinary Palestinians hard, it also hurts vital services such as hospitals and sewage treatment works. The PNA has also reportedly cut its funding to the medical sector depriving it of badly needed equipment and medicines.
Is Abu Mazen senile or corrupted to the core?
Reports that Mahmoud Abbas and the PNA has been blocking the treatment of Palestinians in Gaza outside the strip have truly angered Palestinians everywhere.
Many that I have spoken to both inside Palestine and in the diaspora described this as "shameful". “How can Abbas impose collective punishment on his own people while maintaining security cooperation with Israel?” one asked.
If Mahmoud Abbas thought his actions would hurt Hamas and bring it to heal, then he has once again miscalculated badly. Reports have emerged of talks between Hamas and Abbas’s arch-rival Mohammed Dahlan which could see the latter return as leader in Gaza.
And if Abbas thought his hard-line approach against Hamas would endear him to Trump and his senior advisers then his recent, frosty meeting with Jared Kushner surely confirms the opposite. The more he gives, the more Israel and its American backers led by a fanatically pro-Israel team will want.
This time his actions against Hamas may give the Americans something Israeli leaders crave: a final separation between Gaza and the West Bank. This would certainly fulfil Israeli Education Minister Naftali Bennet’s vision of a Palestinian state "only in Gaza" and the annexation of the West Bank, giving the Palestinians limited autonomy there.
Whatever strategy Abbas has followed is unravelling. He is leading the Palestinians to further fragmentation and separation.
It is time he admitted this and stood down. If not, then his own miscalculations could hasten the end of his rule. Even those around him that have benefited handsomely from his rule must now realise the game is up.
Left with no hope of a just solution that brings them freedom, the Palestinian people will rise again. This time it will be against their own expired leadership which has now denied babies and cancer sufferers in Gaza medical treatment for political purposes. The next intifada will be against the Muqata’a. This should worry Israel as much as Abbas.
Amnesty International: Israel's Occupation: 50 Years of dispossession
In June, the ICRC warned that Gaza is on the brink of “systemic collapse”.
Nearly seven years have passed since the ICRC noted that “The whole of Gaza’s civilian population is being punished for acts for which they bear no responsibility”, that “the closure therefore constitutes a collective punishment imposed in clear violation of Israel’s obligations under international humanitarian law”, and that “the dire situation in Gaza cannot be resolved by providing humanitarian aid”.
It is just under 10 years since the ICRC warned that “chronic malnutrition is on a steadily rising trend and micro-nutrient deficiencies are of great concern”.
It is also two years since a UN report concluded that Gaza may become “uninhabitable” by 2020, and that what hinders Gazan economic development is “merely Israeli policies, the closure (blockade) and other restrictions imposed on Gaza.”
It is nearly a decade since Yoav Galant, who is now a centrist MK and Construction Minister but then chief of Southern Command, vowed to send Gaza “decades into the past” using Cast Lead (Israel’s 2008-9 Gaza onslaught), and when Matan Vilnai, who was then Deputy Defense Minister, warned that Israel would inflict a “Shoah” (Holocaust) upon Gazan Palestinians. Vilnai has been a leftist-centrist politician with repeated ministerial offices since 1999, now ambassador to China.
Notably, it is over a decade since Dov Weisglass, then advisor to PM Ehud Olmert, said, following Hamas’s democratic election in 2006 (which Jimmy Carter noted as “fair and square”), that“the idea is to put the Palestinians on a diet, but not to make them die of hunger”.
Israel has thus been practicing an aggressive policy of boycott, divestment and sanctions, which goes far beyond what could be called non-violent pressure. It involves seasonal massacres, and what authoritative historians and intellectuals such as Ilan Pappe have been calling “incremental genocide”. Insightfully, Pappe has already noted this back in 2006.
Haaretz journalist Amira Hass has said two years ago: “Let me be blunt: Gaza is a Huge Concentration Camp”.
On the same occasion in Duke University, Hass also noted the following: “This did not start, unlike what many people think, with the rise of Hamas, Hamas being elected in 2006, or Hamas taking over the security agencies and apparatus in Gaza in 2007 after the short civil war. We can almost trace it to the moment when it started, and this is the 15th of January 1991 — long before Oslo, long before Madrid, and of course long before the suicide attacks inside Israeli cities and against Israeli civilians.
This policy of sealing off Gaza, of making Gazans into prisoners, de-facto prisoners, started then. I’ve written extensively about it and yet I know it always surprises.”
To call all this “economic warfare” is way, way too generous. Yet it is in this light, that we are to look at Israel’s decrying of Boycotts, Divestments and Sanctions (BDS) as a “moral outrage”, a campaign faithfully led and voiced by Netanyahu.
The irony is amazing. A state that practices such policies which make BDS look downright pale, is crying “anti-Semitism” and is “morally outraged” when a non-violent grassroots movement seeks to take it to task for its systematic violations of international law.
Israel simply cannot moralize on this one. Those who have come far enough to see beyond the Israeli propaganda called Hasbara, inevitably come to notice the hypocrisy of this ‘moralizing’.
The ‘anti-Semitic’ claim is supposed to deter any ‘moderate’ person from supporting BDS. But it was the late Shulamit Aloni who noted that the ‘anti-Semitic’ claim is a “trick” which “we always use” to rebuff criticism of the Israeli government, as she told Amy Goodman in a Democracy Now interview.
The Israeli claim that BDS is a “moral outrage” cannot be addressed to its non-violent means, which are also considered protected speech by US constitution. The only way to regard it as a “moral outrage” is by stressing its supposed “anti-Semitic” vein. And this is, supposedly, because it threatens the Jewish State. This Jewish State is supposed to be a holy matter, the challenging of which can only be undertaken by extremists. On the other hand, if that policy effectively means erasing Palestine, that is supposed to be considered ‘reasonable’.
As mentioned, Israel’s policy regarding Gaza is to be seen way beyond the paradigm concerning Hamas. Nonetheless, it is interesting to note, how Hamas’s refusal to recognize Israel (despite its conceding to a 2-state solution on 1967 lines) is taken to be extremist, whilst the Likud refusal to recognize Palestine (Likud party platform 1999, never rescinded, states that “the Government of Israel flatly rejects the establishment of a Palestinian Arab state west of the Jordan river”) is simply seen as something to be ‘negotiated’.
Yet let us not get overly drawn in by the Likud-Hamas comparison. The suggestion that the ‘2-state solution’ was ever really intended by anyone in Israel’s establishment is a myth. Haaretz journalist Gideon Levy has said long ago that “the truth is this: The two-state solution is dead (it was never born)”.
It’s not the 2-state or 1-state matter that is the issue here (and anyway BDS steers away from the one-state-versus-two-states debate).
The issue is Israel, and what it does to maintain the Jewish State. Israel obviously wants to make this about everything else. Terrorism. Hamas. Say Hamas again. As long as we are focused on the response of the people living in concentration camps and under incremental genocide, rather than the cause of their suffering, then we are sure to be fooled. We are sure to be subdued. We are sure to be ‘moderate and reasonable’. But this also means to surrender. To surrender to Israel’s designs for ‘peace’ – a one Apartheid Jewish State with Palestinian Bantustans. That’s not moderate. That’s extreme.
Gaza Human shields
Stronger than words
In 1947 when the UN General Assembly voted for the partition of the region between Jews immigrants and Palestinian natives the land was divided on relatively equal measure. But after the auto-proclaimed state of Israel, only 22 percent of Palestinian land remained and it was divided between the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, creating separate territories with very little freedom of movement between the two. After the Six-Day War of 1967, Israel occupied both territories, began building settlements and implement separate policies on each in order to build a social and cultural distance through the decades of division and blockade. Palestine Divided tells this story.
Gaza name projetc
Born in Gaza: The Deadly blockade
https://youtu.be/UdL30hSnhkw
Gaza on the Dark, again
PALESTINA
Abby Martin na Venezuela
Ties between two fascists: Narenda Modi & Binyamin Netanyahu
BRASIL - DIRETAS, JÁ!
BRASIL - DIRETAS, JÁ!
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Abby Martin na Venezuela
