UnB: Ele Não, Não, Não! Em defesa da liberdade de expressão.
A virada já começou e depende de nós.
Vá pra rua bater de porta em porta e conversar com as pessoas sobre sua escolha amanhã.
Eu estou fazendo isso mundo afora com todo brasileiro que encontro pelo caminho e por telefone, skype e rede social.
Ainda tem tempo de virar o voto dos indecisos e dos que pensam em votar no fascista sem pensar nas consequências drásticas do voto anti-petista.
Ainda está indeciso? Vire para a democracia! Assim poderá votar de novo daqui a quatro anos, com certeza, terá liberdade de expressão para reclamar, enfim, desfrutará plenamente de seus direitos de cidadão.
A fala do Bolsonaro transmitida na avenida Paulista no domingo passado não foi apenas a "manchete do dia". Foi o fato mais grave dessas eleições. O candidato fascista à presidência da nossa República dizer que pretende prender ou exilar opositores é um atentado à democracia. Silenciar agora é omitir-se diante da História. É condenar a nós mesmos, nossos filhos e netos ao obscurantismo. Vide as batidas nas universidades.
DEMOCRACIA SIM!
Wagner Moura, para você que discorda
Um professor anônimo abre o coração
Brasil de Fato (@Brasil_de_Fato) | Twitter
Caetano Veloso entrevista Roger Waters
Carlos Latuff on RT Going Underground
But what about journalists who are attacked every day by Israel, some of them killed, covering the aggressions on occupied Palestinians?
Is Israel above all laws?
It is the purpose of such alleged assassinations and kidnappings to not only silence dissident voices however obscure, but to also intimidate all opponents at home and abroad by showing that even a hint of criticism will be suppressed with maximum force. But it is in the nature of dictators that their judgement is unbalanced because they never hear opinions contrary to their own. Iraq invaded Iran in 1980 and Kuwait in 1990 with disastrous results. Saudi Arabia started its war in Yemen in 2015, with similarly catastrophic results, and now appears to think that it can get away with brazenly assassinating Khashoggi as the country firmly denied any involvement in the disappearance and said he left the consulate safely that afternoon, before the Truth emerged.
This is an important point because the murder was by no means the worst act carried out by Saudi Arabia since 2015, though it is much the best publicised. Anybody doubting this should read a report just published which shows that bombing and other military activities by the Saudi-led coalition in Yemen is deliberately targeting food supplies and distribution in a bid to win the war by starving millions of civilians on the other side.
There is nothing collateral or accidental about the attacks according to the report. Civilian food supplies are the intended target with the horrendous results spelled out by the UN at the end of September: some 22.2 million Yemenis or three quarters of the population are in need of assistance, 8.4 million of whom are not getting enough food to eat, a number which may increase by 10 million by the end of the year. “It is bleak,” UN humanitarian chief Mark Lowcock told the Security Council. “We are losing the fight against famine.”
But there are those in Saudi Arabia, UAE and their allies in Washington, London and Paris who evidently do not feel any regret and are intent on creating conditions for a man-made famine as the best way of winning the war against the Houthis who still hold the capital Sana’a and the most highly populated parts of the country. This is the conclusion of the highly detailed report called “The Strategies of the Coalition in the Yemen War: Aerial Bombardment and Food War” written by Professor Martha Mundy for the World Peace Foundation affiliated to the Fletcher School at Tufts University in Massachusetts.
The report concludes that “if one places the damage to the resources of food producers (farmers, herders, and fishers) alongside the targeting of food processing, storage and transport in urban areas and the wider economic war, there is strong evidence that the coalition strategy has aimed to destroy food production and distribution in the areas under the control of Sanaʿaʾ.” It adds that the bombing campaign aimed directly at food supplies appears to have begun in 2016 and is continuing and becoming more effective.
Some aspects of the food war are easy to chronicle: on Yemen’s Red Sea coast no less than 220 fishing boats have been destroyed and the fish catch is down by 50 per cent according to the report. It cites one particular incident on 16 September when 18 fisherman from the district of Al Khawkhah were seized, interrogated and released by a coalition naval vessel which then fired a rocket at “the departing boat carrying the fishermen, killing all but one of them”. The report of this incident has been denied by the coalition.
At first, the targets were largely military, but this changed when the coalition failed to win the quick military success its members had expected. Professor Mundy says that “from August 2015 there appears a shift from military and governmental to civilian and economic targets, including water and transport infrastructure, food production and distribution, roads and transport, schools, cultural monuments, clinics and hospitals, and houses, fields and flocks.”
Copiously illustrated with maps and charts, the report shows the impact of bombing and other military activities on the production and availability of food to the civilian population. Lack of electricity to pump water and fuel for farm vehicles have all been exacerbated by the airstrikes. Mundy says that “livestock production has been devastated as families in need sold animals and also found it increasingly difficult to access markets”.
When the farmers do reach a market, their troubles are not over. Coalition air strikes have become more lethal with the beginning of the siege of the Red Sea port of Hodeida by Saudi and Emirati-led forces in June. Some 70 per cent of Yemen’s imports enter the country through Hodeida, which has a population of 600,000. On 2 August the main fish market in the city was attacked along with the entrance to the public hospital where many people were gathered. In July, King Salman of Saudi Arabia issued a general pardon to all Saudi soldiers fighting in Yemen.
The lack of international protests over the war in Yemen, and the involvement of the US and UK as allies of Saudi Arabia and UAE, helps explain one of the mysteries of the Khashoggi disappearance. If the Saudis murdered Khashoggi, why did they expect to carry out the assassination without producing an international uproar? The explanation probably is that Saudi leaders imagined that, having got away with worse atrocities in Yemen, that any outcry over the death of a single man in the Saudi consulate in Istanbul was something they could handle.
What is this 33 man’s record? In March 2011 during the Arab Spring, when the prince was already a senior advisor to his father the king, Saudi Arabia headed an intervention of Gulf states in Bahrain, to quell protests against the absolute monarch. (The great majority of Bahrainis are Shiites, while the king of Bahrain is Sunni. Riyadh views any advancement of Shiite rights and power in the region, both as an expression of heresy—against Sunni Islam—and as an expansion of Iranian Shiite influence.) In June 2017 (after MBS had been made crown prince) Riyadh led an ongoing blockade of Qatar, mainly to punish it for its relatively cordial relations with Iran. That November Riyadh detained the Lebanese prime minister during a visit and forced his resignation (later retracted); this was an effort to punish him for his acceptance of the Hizbollah party in the Lebanese cabinet.
Since 2015 the Saudis have been bombing Yemen in an effort to dislodge the (Shiite) Houthi regime in Sanaa, claiming it’s a tool of Iran. Over 10,000 civilians have been killed and over three million people displaced; the Saudi school bus bombing in August killed 51, mostly children, and attracted brief international horror.
MBS has consolidated his power by the brutal handling of his many rivals within the extravagantly polygamous royal family. (His grandfather Abdullah had at least 35 children by 30 wives.) He is driven by hostility to Iran and all its allies including the Syrian government, Hizbollah in Lebanon, Houthis in Yemen (and perhaps the 15 to 20% of the Saudi population who are Shiites, mostly in the oil-rich Eastern Province that faces Iran across the Persian Gulf). He has warmed up to Israel, berating the Palestinians for not making peace, and cooperating with the Israelis to isolate Iran. Anyone paying attention knows he’s a brutal thug.
Trump has made it clear to the Saudi royals that he doesn’t care about their human rights record. The strict application of Sharia law, which he condemns everywhere else—the stonings for adultery, the gay men tossed off buildings, the crucifixions—is not an issue. All that’s the Saudis’ business, a matter of national sovereignty. And the Pentagon has made it clear that it will back the Saudi military effort in Yemen despite many reports of Saudi atrocities. MBS may feel he can act with impunity in the world and the U.S. president will have his back. He also may have miscalculated.
The Turkish police have concluded that U.S.-based Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi was murdered in the Turkish consulate in Istanbul last week, by a hit squad of 15 Saudis including a forensic doctor flown in to kill him during his consulate visit. (He was apparently there to complete paperwork related to his planned marriage to a Turkish woman.) He was filmed entering the building but never exited as his anxious fiance waited. The police speculate that his body was dismembered and its parts removed by the hit squad that returned to Saudi Arabia on the same day.
Khashoggi, well known as a journalist in Saudi Arabia where he was once close to the royal family, had written mildly critical op-ed columns about it for the Washington Post. These may have offended the famously thin-skinned prince. They may have occasioned a royal court order for the execution of Khashoggi in the consulate, which is technically Saudi sovereign territory.
One must wonder what was going through the head of MBS when he ordered the deed. Did he suppose the truth wouldn’t out? Did he expect Turkish indulgence, and Trump’s acceptance? Did he think the extinction of a moderate critic was worth the risk to his and his country’s reputation? (Perhaps he was recalling the assassination of Kim Jong-un’s brother Kim Jong-nam in Malaysia last year, which had no enduring consequences; Malaysia closed its Pyongyang embassy for awhile but it has now reopened. And Trump is now friends with Jong-un.)
The fact that the Turkish police have a week after Khashoggi’s disappearance announced their assumption of foul play will surely affect Saudi-Turkish relations. The two countries have more or less coordinated their actions in Syria but are at odds on Iran, with which Ankara enjoys cordial relations, and on Qatar which has become a Turkish ally in the wake of the Saudi-led blockade. Turkish public opinion will seethe in indignation at a cold-blooded state-ordered murder in Istanbul.
Now the U.S. press reports that U.S. intelligence had intercepted Saudi officials discussing the kidnapping of Khashoggi. This makes MBS look even worse. You sense he won’t be invited back on Oprah. But he might well be welcomed back in Washington. Trump could proclaim the murder story another “hoax” and say he trusts the prince’s word that there was no collusion. So far he merely said he was unhappy with what happened.
Similarly, Trump said Christine Blase Ford’s testimony on Kavanaugh was “very credible. “I thought her testimony was very compelling and she looks like a very fine woman to me, very fine woman,” Trump said last week. “Certainly [Ford] was a very credible witness. She was very good in many respects.” But then he trashed her as a liar. He’s nothing if not mercurial, unpredictable.
Trump flatters himself with having excellent relations with almost all world leaders, from Kim Jong-un (whom he “fell in love with) to Angela Merkel (whom in fact despises him). But he can go from hot to cold at any time. He heaps praise on Xi Jinping and then lobs high tariffs on Chinese goods. He gives Turkey’s Erdogan “high marks” for “doing things the right way” then applies sanctions due to the detainment of a U.S. pastor in Turkey accused of complicity in a coup plot. He could turn on MBS anytime.
The basis of the Saudi-U.S. relationship has been from 1945, when Franklin Delano Roosevelt returning from the Yalta summit visited with Abdul Azziz bin Saud aboard a heavy cruiser in the Suez Canal: cheap oil in return for arms and political support. It was understood at the outset that the U.S. would remain what it was, and that the Saudi kingdom would remain an absolute monarchy guided by religious clerics empowered to administer strict Sharia law.
Decades of U.S. rhetoric about freedom and democracy have always rung hollow as the U.S. has chosen as its key allies not only the NATO and Japanese bourgeois democracies but the dictatorships of Park Chung-hee, Ferdinand Marcos, Suharto, Thai juntas, Pakistani juntas, Latin American juntas, the Greek junta, Francisco Franco, Iran’s Shah, Haile Selassi, Mobutu Sese Seko, Augusto Pinochet, Fulgencio Batista, Papa Doc in Haiti… “The Free World” as taught in U.S. schools comprised the non-communist world. Still, the U.S. government, through the State Department, habitually expresses at least the minimal degree of “concern” about “human rights abuses” here and there. Saudi Arabia is always deplored in the annual assessments, but usually credited with making incremental advances. In any case the U.S. mass media pays little attention, until a school bus is bombed in Yemen, and then the matter’s dropped.
Now however Saudi Arabia is in our face, in the form of news reports on the apparent embassy murder. On Oct. 8, six days after the reported disappearance, Secretary of State Michael Pompeo publicly urged the Saudis to investigate The most haughty and unpleasant Heather Nauert, spokesperson for the State Department, tells journalists that in the interval there was high-level discussion with Saudis but she has nothing to report about it.
So here’s the thing. Trump, who is clueless, will sit down with Pompeo and Bolton. They will say that this looks bad, and the young prince is out of control. He needs to be reminded of what you told the Saudi king the other day: you might not be there two weeks without us. When you kill and dismember a U.S. resident Washington Post journalist with kids that have U.S. nationality you embarrass your friends, the president and his son-in-law, who could be shamed by that politically influential paper for not denouncing the murder of its contributor. You jeopardize your access to U.S. weaponry and refueling services in your ongoing Yemen war. You have to own up to this and apologize.
Let's hope that those in Congress militating against the Saudi war on Yemen and U.S. involvement in it will seize on this incident to curtail arms sales to the Saudis, and impose sanctions on Saudis considered responsible.
Binyamin Netanyahu is doing everything he can to save his buddy MBS who is helping him against the Palestinians.
Meet Jamal Khashoggi in the Upfront
BRASIL
"Se você acha que uma vitória de Haddad e do PT representa um sério risco à democracia, então sinto informar que você não entendeu nada do que aconteceu na história recente do Brasil. O partido se manteve no poder por 14 anos, tendo sido eleito por quatro vezes. Goste-se ou não dos seus governos, é inegável que ele respeitou a separação de poderes, não ameaçou a liberdade de imprensa e aceitou o resultado de um processo de impeachment que considerava um golpe.
Diante das manifestações de rua que pediam a sua saída, a presidenta afirmou que elas faziam “parte da democracia”. Dilma foi deposta e desceu a rampa do Planalto sem partir para o enfrentamento. Em nenhum momento, ela ou o PT ameaçaram fechar o Congresso ou colocar as Forças Armadas nas ruas para combater oponentes e barrar o processo que consideravam ilegal. Michel Temer assumiu o poder, e o PT foi para a oposição. Jamais se chegou perto das aberrações institucionais e antidemocráticas capitaneadas por Maduro na Venezuela. Apenas as reginas duartes temiam e temem essa possibilidade.
E Bolsonaro? O governo formado por militares aceitaria tranquilamente essas pressões sem recorrer às Forças Armadas? A se levar em conta os discursos proferidos pelo seu líder nos últimos anos, me parece bastante claro que não. Do ponto de vista do risco à democracia, Bolsonaro está muito mais próximo de Maduro do que de Haddad. Não é preciso ser um analista sofisticado para enxergar isso. Os discursos de Bolsonaro durante sua vida pública atestam o seu desprezo pela democracia. O capitão já afirmou textualmente que se fosse presidente daria um auto golpe assim que fosse eleito, fecharia o Congresso no dia seguinte à posse e fuzilaria o então presidente Fernando Henrique Cardoso. Declarou ainda ser a favor da tortura e que só uma guerra civil resolveria os problemas do país. Os discursos de Bolsonaro são a própria “venezuelização” do Brasil.
General Mourão, seu vice, vem fazendo declarações ostensivamente antidemocráticas semana após semana. O seu provável futuro ministro dos Transportes, o general Oswaldo Ferreira, afirmou essa semana: “No meu tempo (ditadura militar), não tinha Ministério Público e Ibama para encher o saco” — este homem é considerado uma das cabeças pensantes da candidatura Bolsonaro nas áreas de infraestrutura e meio ambiente. É isso. Eles acham a democracia um saco.
A campanha bolsonarista passou a eleição inteira questionando a lisura da votação e espalhou deliberadamente mentiras sobre as urnas eletrônicas — as mesmas que elegeram ele e seus filhos por várias vezes seguidas e que levaram o PSL a ter a segunda maior bancada da Câmara neste pleito. O candidato da extrema-direita trabalha abertamente com o golpismo. Ninguém no futuro poderá dizer que foi pego de surpresa, já que a tragédia vem sendo anunciada por eles próprios. Assim como Regina Duarte, quem não está com medo é porque não entendeu." João Filho.
PALESTINA
Dena Trakruri: The Palestinian kids fighting Israel's occupation
Part I-22'
Part II-21'
#StopTheWar is a hashtag coming from many activists in #Gaza who urge the international community to hinder Israel’s attempts to launch another large-scale aggression against the occupied, blockaded, unlivable, and exhausted Gaza Strip. #GazaUnderAttack.
The people of Gaza have been subjected to decades of expulsion, occupation, siege and massacre. They have now seized control of their Fate. They are risking life and limb as they protest nonviolently to reclaim their basic rights. It takes just one minute to send a video showing your support for Gaza in its moment of truth. Do it now! Send your videos to METOOGAZA.COM.
Renowned scientists urge cientific Community to consider the facts before engaging in activities with Israeli colonial-based Ariel University, and not engage any attemps to use science to normalise Israel(s occupation of the Palestinian territory. Check it out here.
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