B'Tselem visual testimony: House demolition in the West Bank
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| Fotos de algumas vítimas |
O mês de novembro na Cisjordânia ocupada começou com a comemoração do aniversário de 52 anos desta infâmia. A cerimônia foi discreta e simples. Os habitantes de Kafr Qassim e alguns simpatizantes estrangeiros fizeram uma procissão do memorial ao cemitério em que as vítimas estão enterradas.
Menciono este aniversário, embora não tenha mencionado os 51 que o precederam, porque nesse ano os jornalistas tiveram acesso a depoimentos de dois policiais israelenses sobre as ordens que receberam no dia 29 de outubro de 1956: Shoot all civilians! quebrando um toque de recolher imposto na última hora aos habitantes do vilarejo que fica perto da Linha Verde que separa os dois países.O executor do massacre foi a Magav, polícia israelense de fronteira. Os mandantes oficiais e os policiais envolvidos foram 'julgados', declarados culpados do ato "blatantly illegal" e condenados a anos de prisão. Nenhum deles cumpriu nem um mês. O crime acabou sendo 'punido' apenas com uma multa simbólica de 10 centavos.
As esperanças que os palestinos haviam alimentado se esvaíram no minuto em que o nome de seu White House chief of staff veio a público: Rahm Israel Emanuel. O bom entendedor viu que Obama, além de inexperiente em relações exteriores, não era pró-justiça para a Palestina como se pensava e sim mais um sionista mal-informado.
Dois dias depois Emanuel aceitaria o cargo e viraria o most influential chief of staff of a generation, segundo o NYTimes. E sua influência não podia ser mais nefasta a justiça e paz no Oriente Médio.
Para os palestinos a nomeação foi uma catástrofe. Já que, como não entendia nada de política internacional, o novo presidente fez a mesma coisa que Bush fizera antes dele; ou seja, pôs tudo logo de cara nas mãos deste assessor ultra-sionista cujo pai, Benjamin Emanuel, era um pediatra que atuou no contrabando de armas para o Irgun, milícia sionista ativa na Naqba e responsável por inúmeros atentados terroristas na Palestina, inclusive contra os ingleses no hotel King David em 1946.
Emanuel continuou a tradição familiar de apoio total e irrestrito a Israel. Ao ponto de, em 1991, durante a chamada Guerra do Golfo, em vez de ajudar os Estados Unidos, ter se oferecido para cuidar da manutenção dos veículos armados israelenses na fronteira do Líbano, quando o sul deste país era ocupado pela IDF.
Em 1993, então diretor político de Bill Clinton, orquestrou a cerimônia de assinatura da "Declaration of Principles" entre Yasser Arafat e Yitzhak Rabin. Isto é, a armadilha dos Acordos de Oslo. E durante a campanha de Obama à presidência, acompanhou o candidato à AIPAC, o lobby sionista que é o segundo mais poderoso dos EUA, após o de armas.
Eu que vivo procurando o leão invisível, não me surpreendi com a escolha de Emanuel nem com os rumos que o governo de Obama tomou desde o primeiro. Isto porque à medida que sua campanha se reforçava com conselheiros pró-ocupação e dinheiro dos lobbies sionistas o candidato se distanciara publicamente de amigos e conselheiros 'suspeitos' ou acusados de simpatias pró-palestinas. Portanto era bastante claro para que lado pendia e o ângulo obscuro de sua visão.
Aliás, a bom entendedor de como seria o novo governo, bastava lembrar-se dos discursos de Obama na AIPAC em março de 2007 e junho de 2008. Em relação a Israel, os pontos capitais foram os seguintes:
. Supported the Israeli bombing of Lebanon in July-August 2006 and repeatedly in the Gaza Strip as exercises of Israel’s right to “legitimate self-defense;” Supported Israel’s 6 September 2007 air attack on Syria which unsubstantiated reports claimed targeted a weapons of mass destruction related site; Opposed the holding of Palestinian elections including Hamas in January 2006; Opposed the February 2007 Mecca Agreement establishing a national unity government between Hamas and Fatah peacefully resolving internal Palestinian differences; Supports continued “isolation” of Hamas until it meets political conditions imposed by Israel and the Quartet; Stated that “I will always stand up for Israel’s right to defend itself in the United Nations and around the world,” suggesting continued use of US veto to block UN action on the conflict; Promised at least $30 billion of military aid to Israel over the next decade and pledged to push for Israel to gain access to armaments reserved for NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organization) members; Pledged that the US “should never seek to dictate what is best for the Israelis and their security interests” and “No Israeli prime minister should ever feel dragged to or blocked from the negotiating table by the United States;” Stated “Jerusalem will remain the capital of Israel and it must remain undivided;” Opposes Palestinian refugees’ Right of Return (“The right of return [to Israel] is something that is not an option in a literal sense”); (Hilary Leila Krieger and Tovah Lazaroff, “Obama: Palestinian refugees can’t return,” The Jerusalem Post, 29 January 2008); Stated “Any agreement with the Palestinian people must preserve Israel’s identity as a Jewish state;” Supported the Bush administration’s approach of forming an alliance of “moderates,” including Israel, Saudi Arabia and Egypt on one side arrayed against Iran, Syria, Hizballah and Hamas; Considers Iran’s alleged pursuit of nuclear weapons “unacceptable,” supports strong sanctions and divestment and has refused to rule out the use of military force; Obama has expressed no support for Palestinian “rights” and has never publicly used the type of effusive emotional language identifying with Palestinians’ aspirations as he does regarding the Israelis. While repeatedly castigating Palestinians, he has been uncritical of Israel.
Apesar de todos estes pontos negativos, sonhar não custava, embora fosse óbvio que ele teria de retribuir as doações generosas que os lobbies sionistas haviam feito à sua campanha.
I, three months time, general elections will take place in Israel. No Barack Obama of ours will be standing. ...In Israel, the man who hopes to win, Binyamin Netanyahu, is the very opposite. He oozes sleazy politics from every pore. In his last term as Prime Minister, he was an utter failure. If he wins, nothing will change for the better.
Ehud Barak is another antithesis of the American Barack. Like Netanyahu and Tzipi Livni, he belongs to the "white" Ashkenazi elite. He has no emotional or other connection with the minorities. He is a militarist through and through. He exploited, for example, the night of Obama's election, when the attention of the whole world was riveted there, to violate the cease-fire and carry out a provocative military action in the Gaza Strip....
The one thing that unites almost all Israelis is the importance of maintaining good relations with the US... The question is: what policy will Obama adopt vis-à-vis Israel?
Jerusalem is worried, but the spokesmen comfort themselves - and the public - by saying (as the Hebrew expression goes) that "the demon is not so terrible". The new Congress is different from the last one as far as the balance of power is concerned, but its fear of the pro-Israel lobby will be unabated. True, the influence of the Zionist Evangelicals will be much diminished, but AIPAC is alive and kicking, and its kicks will be as painful as ever.
Whoever will be the new Secretary of State and the other ministers, the Israeli Prime Minister will have direct access to the Oval Room. The new doorkeeper, who bears the ringing Israeli name Rahm Immanuel (Rahm means high, Immanuel means God with Us), is the son of an Irgun underground veteran. Rahm grew up in a Jewish home, speaks Hebrew and rushed to the aid of the Israeli army during the first Gulf War... he certainly will not block the path of the Israeli Prime Minister to the President...
There is no chance for progress towards Israeli-Palestinian peace without American pressure on the Israeli government. That has been true for decades, and that remains true today.
All the American Presidents after Dwight Eisenhower have been afraid of exerting such pressure. Those who tried, like Richard Nixon at the beginning of his term, quickly drew back. The only exception was Bush the Father, or rather his Secretary of State James Baker, but that pressure (on the pocket) did not last long.
To be effective, American pressure does not need to be brutal. It should be gentle, but firm and consistent. This may suit Obama's temperament.
If the new American administration decides to reassess the American national interest in the Middle East and comes to the conclusion that Israeli-Arab [Palestinian] peace is an essential requirement of the American post-Bush policy, then the new President must inform our new Prime Minister of this fact and ask politely but unequivocally for a freeze on the settlements and a start of new negotiations - this time not just to fill time, but to attain final agreement in 2009.
Many Israelis would thank him for that...
Will the new American President do so? Is Barack Obama able to do so?
There is only one possible answer: Yes, you can!"
Israel quebra a trégua e o great deceiver Mark Regev aplica a hasbara
Por volta das 20:30, um batalhão de infantaria da IDF penetrou em Wadi al-Saqa, a oeste de Deir al-Balah na Faixa de Gaza, com tanques e veículos armados, invadiu a casa de Mofeed Suleiman al-Rumaili, prendeu sua família em um quarto, depois confiscou a residência como base militar. Enquanto isso, outra tropa sitiava o sobrado de Hassan Suleiman al-Humiadi e um oficial ordenava por megafone que os 23 residentes evacuassem a casa. Nesse ínterim, chegaram uns resistentes das Brigadas al-Qassam, ala militar do Hamas, para defender seus compatriotas e houve troca de tiros. Três resistentes foram feridos e a IDF mandou reforço.
Por volta das 22:30 um avião lançou seu primeiro míssil, matando Nazmi Abu Sada, de 32 anos.
Na madrugada do dia 05, um batalhão destruiu a casa de al-Humaidi e 2.5 dunams de lavoura (1 dunam corresponde a 1.000 m²) e prendeu seis membros da família, inclusive duas mulheres.
Nessa quarta-feira, a IDF fez várias incursões militares que culminaram com dois mísseis lançados contra quatro membros d Al-Qassam em Khan Yunis. Mahmoud Taha Abdul Rahman Balousha (21); Omar Saleem Khader al-Alami, (20); Wajed Nizam Hamza Muhareb, (19); Mohammed Abdullah Mohammed Awadh, (26) morreram na hora.
Uma hora mais tarde a IDF lançou mais dois mísseis. Desta vez, no vilarejo al-Qarara, ao lado, matando Ammar Saleem Darwish Salhiya, de 21 anos, de Khan Yunis.
A provocação era clara. O Hamas tinha de retaliar e retaliaria. Era também claro que o leão invisível era uma nova operação militar que estava sendo posta em marcha desde que os colonos judeus haviam sido transferidos para as novas invasões civis judias na Cisjordânia. Mas Tel Aviv guardava o segredo a sete chaves.
Estes fracassaram porque não propunham nenhuma paz viável, já que Israel não estava interessado em nenhum acordo justo e os patrocinadores do acordo não tiveram coragem política de contrariar as obstruções sistemáticas de Tel Aviv às iniciativas que impediam sua expansão territorial.Com Emanuel no leme da belonave de Obama, a tendência era que a ocupação piorasse mais ainda. Mas mesmo assim, um refugiado palestino mandou uma carta aberta ao novo presidente dos Estados Unidos para pleitear sua causa: A Palestinian refugee's open letter to Obama.
Um ativista estrangeiro explicou o porquê desta nova medida da potência ocupante: "Requiring the estimated hundreds of Palestinian medical personnel to come to work via the Qalandiya checkpoint forces them to go through many checkpoints inside the West Bank, spend many hours on the road and waiting in long lines at Qalandiya, which is more crowded than any checkpoint in the West Bank. This, despite the fact that they carry documents authorizing them to travel to their workplaces. Not only does this new regulation disrupt the schedules of these medical personnel, it delays them and makes them late for work, and it also disrupts the orderly operation of the hospitals in which they are employed, rather than making it easier for this segment of the work force that needs accessible, fast and unrestricted passage through the checkpoints."
Na verdade, esta nova restrição fazia parte da política israelense de desconectar os hospitais palestinos de Jerusalém Oriental da população das outras cidades da Cisjordânia, prejudicando assim o estatuto especial dos postos de saúde palestinos que operam em Jerusalém ocupada. "Using bureaucratic methods and/or 'security' arguments for political purposes is an attempt to deceive everyone involved as well as the international community, and in fact represents a change in the status quo in Jerusalem that Israel has committed itself to preserve."
Na leva, Ehud Olmert anunciou que cortaria incentivos públicos e apoio a tais aglomerações "in response to an 'intolerable' rise in violence directed towards the Israeli security forces." 'Violência' 'intolerável' contra os soldados e policiais israelenses - e não contra os palestinos desprotegidos que eram atacados todos os dias.
Além da quebra da trégua na Faixa de Gaza que anunciava dias negros para os gazauís, na Cisjordânia, o mês de novembro de 2008 foi também o da inauguração dessa prática infame do price tag que os colonos judeus começaram a aplicar contra as famílias palestinas já fragilizadas pela ocupação e portanto presas bem mais fáceis que os soldados que, no final das contas, acabavam protegendo seus correligionários fora-da-lei mesmo quando praticavam atos bárbaros.
No comment: Fishing through the 'ceasefire' / Pescaria sob fogo durante o cessar-fogo
A trégua em Gaza que mencionei acima fora de fato unilateral e relativa, já que Israel jamais parara de perseguir, atacar e prender os pescadores palestinos. Só em 2007, 70 pescadores haviam sido presos e as detenções arbitrárias continuaram em 2008 no mesmo rítmo.
A pesca é vital à população da Faixa e é profissão hereditária arriscada devido ao bloqueio, à repressão e à sintimidações diárias. Um dos pescadores, Abu mahmoud, desabafou: “The Israelis attack us every day. Until you see it for yourself, you cannot believe the situation we are facing. Israelis use dirty, possibly contaminated water in the high-speed water cannons, in order to force us back towards shore," apesar do direito legal de pescarem em seu litoral. Os Israel-Palestine Interim Agreements assinados entre a OLP e Israel em 1994/95 como parte dos Acordos de Oslo, estipula que os palestinos usufruam de 20 milhas náuticas no litoral de Gaza. Contudo, Israel nunca honrou sua palavra. Sua marinha vive perseguindo os pescadores e dizimando paulatinamente a indústria pesqueira local. Dez anos antes, 3.000 toneladas de peixe chegava anualmente aos mercados da Faixa. Em 2008, menos de 500, e só graças à presença de ativistas internacionais que inibiam um pouquinho os ataques ilegais do ocupante.
As condições humanitárias se deterioraram e observadores internacionais reclamaram em ouvidos moucos: "Israel’s tight siege has affected all aspects of Palestinians’ lives and violated their human rights, which are protected by international human rights and international humanitarian law. Gaza’s power plant has suspended its work for the third day in a row due to lack of fuel necessary to run it. Hospitals and clinics are greatly affected. Not only do they suffer from suspension of surgery sections and intensive care unis, but also from the damage to vaccines and serums that are preserved in refrigerators. Moreover, tens of thousands of Palestinians suffer from a severe shortage of drinking water. Power failure also disrupts sewage treatment plants and internal transportation due to the lack of fuel, besides having negatively impact the education sector especially that the crisis is worsening with the start of school mid-term exams. Students and teachers also have difficulties when they go to their schools and universities."
No dia 16 a situação se agravou com bombardeios, além do bloqueio inexpugnável.
A IDF voltou a quebrar a trégua militar matando mais quatro palestinos: Talal al-Amoudi (23), Muhammad Hassouna (22), Ahmad al-Hilo (22), and Basil al-Uff (21). E o Hamas voltou a lançar seus foguetes artesanais além da cerca.
No dia seguinte, Jonathan Cook botou a boca no trombone para ver se alguém no ocidente se importava: The real goal of Israel's Gaza blockade.
No dia 18, após oito dias de bloqueio total e bombardeios esporádicos, Bentita Ferrero-Waldner, comissária de relações internacionais da União Européia declarou: “I am profoundly concerned about the consequences for the Gazan population of the complete closure of all Gaza crossings for deliveries of fuel and basic humanitarian assistance.” Karen AbuZayd, chefe da UNRWA, agência da ONU para os refugiados palestinos, acrescentou a propósito do embargo total: “This has alarmed us more than usual because it’s never been quite so long and so bad, and there has never been so much negative response on what we need.”
Tinha razão. E diante da deterioração das condições de vida da população e aos 20 compatriotas mortos, o Hamas foi acionado e reagiu com uns foguetes artesanais que feriram dois israelenses. E aí a grande mídia falou no tit-for-tat, que começou mesmo com os ataques israelenses que quebraram o cessar-fogo com a desculpa de destruir os túneis de contrabando - vitais à sobreviência da população por causa do bloqueio.
"The timing of Israel’s breach of the ceasefire is curious in that hundreds of these smuggling tunnels have existed ever since Hamas took over the strip in June last year. They have been used to smuggle everyday necessities as well as arms because the territory is hermetically sealed by Israel". Questionou um representante da ONU enquanto que John Ging, diretor do UNRWA em Gaza, mostrou-se preocupado com a situação: “Last week we were unable to feed 60,000 of Gaza’s neediest refugees due to our warehouses running out of food. UNRWA supplies half of Gaza’s population of 1.5 million people with emergency rations, and 20,000 people are fed per day when there are adequate supplies.” Nesse período de bloqueio integral, 70 por cento da Faixa sofrera com blackouts e os jornalistas estrangeiros foram proibidos de entrar na Faixa.
"The timing of Israel’s breach of the ceasefire is curious in that hundreds of these smuggling tunnels have existed ever since Hamas took over the strip in June last year. They have been used to smuggle everyday necessities as well as arms because the territory is hermetically sealed by Israel". Questionou um representante da ONU enquanto que John Ging, diretor do UNRWA em Gaza, mostrou-se preocupado com a situação: “Last week we were unable to feed 60,000 of Gaza’s neediest refugees due to our warehouses running out of food. UNRWA supplies half of Gaza’s population of 1.5 million people with emergency rations, and 20,000 people are fed per day when there are adequate supplies.” Nesse período de bloqueio integral, 70 por cento da Faixa sofrera com blackouts e os jornalistas estrangeiros foram proibidos de entrar na Faixa.
Nesse ínterim, a Autoridade Palestina (AP) em Ramallah bloqueava o site Donia al-Watan (http://www.alwatanvoice.com), da Faixa de Gaza. Quem o acessava se deparava com a mensagem: “We are sorry, the site was blocked based on attorney General instructions [sic].”
Abbas não submeteu a questão a nenhum debate. Decidiu livrar-se deste incômodo e mandou fechar o site que denunciava seus maus atos, mas o diretor Abdallal al-Issa não ficou calado:. “We are surprised at these violations emanating from the president of the PA who appears to have forgotten that he was one of the biggest critics of the policies of the late Abu Ammar [Yasser Arafat]. But the late former leader Arafat never signed off on such orders and did not shut down publications.”
A razão do fechamento do site, segundo Abdallah, foi a publicação de dezenas de relatos da corrupção que reinava em Ramallah. "When Arafat was in office, the site would receive complaints,but no such action had ever been taken against us." Al-Issa criticou Arafat por não ter combatido a corrupção, mas mostrou-se saudosista, “but at least we could write about it.”
Abdallah então publicou o artigo “The Ramallah Banana Republic,” no qual criticava severamente Abu Mazen (Abbas) e a AP pela repressão e pediu apoio aos jornalistas locais e estrangeiros para fazê-lo mudar de ideia.
Israeli blockade plunges Gaza into darkness 24/11
Three out of five mills operating in the Gaza Strip have stopped operation, and the remaining two are expected to join them by tomorrow due to the lack of wheat. There is also a shortage in drinking water, especially in high buildings due to repeated cutting of electricity.
In a grave development, several bakeries have stopped working due to the lack of fuel, cooking gas, electricity and flour. Developments at this level can be summed up in the following: There are 72 bakeries in the Gaza Strip: 47 that produce Syrian bread; 10 that produce Iraqi bread, and 15 that produce other kinds of bread and pastries. 29 bakeries that produce Syrian bread have completely stopped operation, while eight bakeries have been working in a lower capacity.
Nineteen bakeries of Syrian bread, which is the most consumable kind of bread in the Gaza Strip, use cooking gas, eight others use electrical power, and the remaining four others use diesel.
Seventeen bakeries that depend on cooking gas have stopped working due to the lack of cooking gas and eight bakeries that depend on electrical power have been working partially due to the repeated cutting of electricity.
The population of Gaza City (approximately 570,000 people) depend on the bread produced by four bakeries that depend on diesel for operation.
Ten out of 15 bakeries that depend on cooking gas for operation in the central and southern Gaza Strip have completely stopped operation, and the remaining five are expected to join them by Saturday, 22 November 2008, if the shortage in cooking gas continues.
The last amount of cooking gas provided to bakeries in the Gaza Strip on 4 November 2008 was only 40 tons, which can hardly allow them to operate for one week.
Health facilities have been facing a serious crisis due to the shortage in electrical and fuel supplies, which has in effect limited their ability to provide medical services to patients. Additionally, at least 45 kinds of medicines have been lacking in the Gaza Strip. Shifa Hospital, the largest hospital in the Gaza Strip is a clear example of the impacts of shortages in electricity and fuel supplies on medical services provided to patients. According to sources of the hospital, several electricity generators need maintenance, which cannot be performed due to the lack of spare parts, whose entry has been banned by IOF. According to those sources: The main electricity generator, which generates 900 kilovolt amperes needs maintenance and IOF refuse to allow the entry of spare parts for it, although the ICRCintervened with IOF to allow the main keypad which is required for its maintenance.
Prince Nayef Center for Carcinoma and the Magnetic resonance imaging machine have been stopped due to the lack of high voltage electricity.
The hospital suffers from a shortage in cooking gas which is used in disinfection and in preparing food for patients.
There are serious concerns that some vital medical equipments in hospital in the Gaza Strip, including artificial breathing sets in intensive care units, may stop working. Pasteurization machines may also stop working due to the lack of electricity and fuel.
Aí a ONG de Direitos Humanos Al Mezan voltou a denunciar a chantagem feita aos palestinos que precisavam de tratamento na Cisjordânia ou fora: Colaborar com o inimigo atuando como espião do ShinBet ou arriscar a morte por falta de tratamento médico inacessível na Faixa.
Citou um caso entre milhares, o de Khalid Abu Hammala, de 38 anos, que morrera no dia 28 de outubro por não ter podido passar no posto de Erez porque recusou-se a virar dedo-duro em troca do tratamento que precisava no Cairo. Tinha cirurgia marcada para desobstrução de uma artéria.
Eis o relato do calvário de Khalid que é o mesmo de milhares de palestinos forçados a colaborar com o inimigo: He passed away on Tuesday morning, 28 October 2008, after he was denied access to a hospital. The IOF [Israeli occupation Forces] at Erez asked him to collaborate with them otherwise he would not go through to the West Bank. On Tuesday, 9 September 2008, despite his critical medical condition, Israeli intelligence at the crossing submitted him to an interview during which, an Israeli officer told him that he was allowed to travel, however, the officer insisted that he returns, otherwise he would not be allowed to pass. On the following day, Abu Shammala returned and to his surprise, the Israeli officer asked him to collaborate with him and he would be granted access to the hospital in Israel. When Abu Shammala rejected his offer, the intelligence officer told him to go home, saying, “Khalid, God cures. Go back to Gaza to receive treatment.” The deceased refused to collaborate with the Israeli intelligence and stayed at the European Gaza Hospital during this time until he was announced dead at around 8:00am on Tuesday, 28 October 2008.
Em entrevista coletiva, a ONG israelense Physicians for Human Rights voltou a denunciar a prática do Shin Bet apresentando 30 casos documentados de pacientes como Khalid que eram forçados a colaborar para receberem tratamento médico inacessível na Faixa.
O caso de Khalid não foi o primeiro e não seria o último, pois a denúncia caiu em ouvidos surdos.
Porém o Hamas anunciou que não participaria por causa da perseguição e prisões de membros de seu partido feita pela AP na Cisjordânia, sob ordens de Israel; e também por não concordar com a extensão do mandato de Mahmoud Abbas na presidência. Os nabluenses, da foto ao lado, que pediam a união, não foram ouvidos. Nem a maioria absoluta dos palestinos.
Abdelaziz Shadi, coordenador de Estudos Israelenses na Universidade do Cairo criticou a AP de maneira velada: “Abbas has nothing to show for the negotiations except empty promises from the Israelis. He’s desperate to bolster his domestic standing, which is on the wane even among his own Fatah cadres. And while vainly negotiating with Israel, Abbas — still smarting over the loss of Gaza — adamantly refuses to talk to Hamas.”
Israel's apartheid wall 16/11
Mas o interessante da ocupação israelense é ser pública e mesmo assim seus horrores perdurarem porque a ilegalidade é apoiada por muita gente influente. Sionistas convictos, ignorantes, covardes, venais, a cada um dos cúmplices pode-se dar um rótulo. Mas a maioria é por ignorância ou simplesmente por não querer ser difamado pela hasbara ou por não querer indispor-se com milionários sionistas. Como os donos do Marriott Marquis hotel, de Manhattan, que indiferentes às manifestações de milhares de pessoas nos EUA que representavam oito ONGs humanitárias, permitiram que seu hotel sediasse um evento de captação de fundos para as colônias israelenses ilegais em Hebron. Será que sabiam que os colonos judeus que se instalaram em Hebron destruíram totalmente a vida dos nativos palestinos e a alma desta cidade que data do período filistino?
A carta que as ONGs mandaram para a gerência do hotel era clara: “The Marriot Marquis will be facilitating activities that directly violate international law and US foreign policy, actively promote racial discrimination, and, at least indirectly, support brutal Israeli settler attacks on Palestinian civilians and the ethnic cleansing of Palestinians from Hebron.” O evento aconteceu assim mesmo e rendeu bastante dinheiro para os hooligans judeus, armados até os dentes, que aterrorizam as famílias nativas diariamente.
Hebron 11/11
Fizeram bem. No vídeo abaixo o lobo em pele de carneiro mostra sua má índole.
Silent women in black, shouting students, small babies in prams, university lecturers and a local elected official were just some of the crowd gathered to voice their protest against an Oxford college’s decision to honor Peres on Tuesday, 18 November as he gave the inaugural lecture in a series to be named after him. Some handed out leaflets and many were carrying signs, one of which read “Globalization of Apartheid,” a pun on the title of the lecture, “Globalization of Peace.”
War criminal Shimon Peres shows his real nature
Nosso saudoso Vik, jornalista italiano Vittorio Arrigoni que abraçou a causa palestina, estava presente em um dos barcos atacados e filmou a cena até a hora que foi preso.
Outro pescador acrescentou; “In the past, I’ve had my boat confiscated. It was three years ago, and the Israeli soldiers arrested Rami, who was fishing four miles off the coast. They held him for four months, and kept our boat for 70 days. This was a huge loss to us, and when it was finally returned to us it had been seriously damaged by the soldiers’ shooting. The nets, the motor, everything was destroyed or stolen. The total losses and damages amounted to US $40,000."
Os 15 pescadores foram soltos no dia seguinte, mas seus barcos e três ativistas estrangeiros continuaram detidos.
Darlene, uma das ativistas que estava no terceiro barco, relatou a abordagem dos soldados: “They used a taser on Vik while he was still on the boat, then tried to push him backwards onto a sharp piece of wood. He jumped into the sea to avoid being hurt more than he already was, and was in the water for quite a while. Almost 20 soldiers had boarded the boat, pointing their guns in our faces and ordering us not to move. They left the captain, Mohammed, on the boat and forced us off and onto the smaller boat, which transferred us to the larger gunship. I was told ‘You are in Israeli territory.’ even though it was obvious that all three boats were in Palestinian territory. They kidnapped me and Andrew and Vik, and all of the Palestinian fishermen.”
Mohammed, o capitão do barco, estava aliviado por não ter sido ainda mais humlhado, “This was the first time we weren’t forced to strip and jump into the water.”
Durante o interrogatório, os pescadores entenderam a manobra do Shin Bet ao serem interrogados. Os agentes queriam informação sobre os observadores internacionais: “Why did you have internationals on your boat?” “Who is responsible for sending the internationals? Who pays them? Where do they live? Do you get a good catch when the internationals are on board?” E no fim, os interrogadores do Shin Bet fizeram uma ameaça velada: “You think that you have protection because you have internationals on your boat? Let’s see what these international can do for you now.”
Desta vez, a detençao dos pescadores era uma mensagem para os estrangeiros pararem de acompanhá-los e de documentarem seus atos ilegais: “It’s a message to internationals in Gaza to not accompany fishermen. It’s also a message to fishermen not to go far out in our own waters, although we need to because that is where the fish are.”
Tempo perdido porque o abuso não dissuadiria nenhum deles. O Vik contaria ao telefone: “A few days ago I was in a big prison with no electricity and little running water [Gaza Strip]. Now I’m in a smaller prison with electricity and clean, running water.”
Três dias mais tarde os três ativistas estrangeiros começaram greve de fome para que os israelenses devolvessem os barcos pesqueiros 'confiscados' e para retornarem a Gaza.
Clare Short estendeu sua crítica ao sítio devastador que Israel impunha à Faixa nos últimos 18 meses:. “I am pleased that the fishermen have been released because they should never have been arrested. But their boats must immediately be returned to them, otherwise their livelihoods are lost and the wrong has not been righted. The siege of Gaza must be lifted and the UK must insist that these illegal attacks by the Israeli navy on Gazans, fishing peacefully within their own water must cease.”
Na época, Israel detinha mais de 11.000 palestinos em seus presídios e o bloqueio da Faixa de Gaza piorava dia a dia.
O endurecimento do governo israelense se devia a uma prática conhecida de longa data. A de usar massacres para angariar votos. Nas proximidades de eleições, bombardear Gaza é praxe. Toda eleição em Israel é precedida de ções mililtares no Líbano ou na Palestina.
No dia 25 de novembro, 15 dias após a retenção total de víveres e combustível, Israel entreabriu a fronteira e John Ging, diretor do UNRWA não escondia sua alegria, mas não poupou críticas : The situation is very desperate at the humanitarian level, I mean people have been stripped of their dignity here, it is a struggle to survive for every body. 750,000 of the people here in Gaza are children of the one and half million population.
We are finding it increasingly difficult. It was unprecedented that we ran out of food, which we did over 10 days ago. The closures are becoming more and more restrictive, the situation here is getting worse and worse. Sadly, it’s not new news from Gaza, bad news from Gaza does not get headlines any more, that’s part of the problem. But there are a million and half people living here; all the time the situation is becoming more and more difficult for them.
There was five months of a ceasefire in the last couple of months, where the people of Gaza did not benefit; they did not have any restoration of a dignified existence. We in fact at the UN, our supplies were also restricted during the period of the ceasefire, to the point where we were left in a very vulnerable and precarious position and with a few days of closure we ran out of food.
There has to be a change in approach, a change in a policy, we now, hopefully, enter a new period of the ceasefire. Good news for the civilian population in Israel, no more rockets being fired. Now we want to see the civilians here in Gaza benefit from the ceasefire, so that they have restored to them a dignified existence, which is very simple, open the crossings, let people move freely, allow exports, allow imports, create confidence among the population that this the way to go. No violence, security, peace and so on."
Que tipo de governo impõe sanções draconianas a um outro povo por ter elegido democraticamente um governo que não é de seu agrado?
Que tipo de governo encarcera mais de 1.5 milhões de pessoas, proibe os pescadores de pescar em suas próprias águas e impede que a população faminta receba ajuda estrangeira?
Que tipo de governo priva um povo inteiro de combustível, alimento, água e eletricidade e depois o rega com bombas e balas?
A resposta é: nenhum governo idôneo. Contudo, governo após governo em Israel continua a pedir reconhecimento e cumprimento por sua democracia, que considera superior às demais mesmo infringindo as leis internacionais, e apesar de desrespeitar os direitos humanos e apesar da corrupção e da criminalidade de seus dirigentes. Pior ainda, o mundo aceita e acolhe com boas-vindas todos os governos desse país.
Isto deveria nos fazer parar e pensar na nossa nobre declaração de independência e direitos humanos, ética, moral, crenças religiosas, liberdades civis e Justiça. Estes são apenas vitrine ou significam alguma coisa? São apenas para alguns ou para todo mundo?
O presidente de Israel Shimon Peres é um desses líderes que incrementaram políticas e programas agressivos de ocupação e apesar disso a rainha Elisabeth o honrou com uma knighthood e seu nome pode vir a ser honrado com uma série de matérias no Oxford University’s Balliol . Honras duvidosas para um homem que ajudou a expulsar 750 mil palestinos de suas casas durante a Naqba."
A íntegra do artigo de Sonia: Gaza's death throes, and no one's listening.
A Assembléia levou um choque elétrico com a coragem do padre. Um alto funcionário da ONU que mal escondia sua satisfação, comentou: “I cannot remember any Assembly president so publicly vocal in denouncing Israel. D’Escoto damned both the Israelis and the UN for the plight of the Palestinians. And he was on target.”
A embaixadora de Israel, Gabriela Shalev, respondeu com a conhecida hasbara, chamando d'Escoto de "Israeli hater". ao que Stephen Zunes, professor de Estudos de Política Internacional na University of San Francisco, respondeu: “As most of us who have actually visited the West Bank in recent years can testify, it really is an apartheid-like situation, with Jewish-only settlements connected by Jewish-only roads with Arabs allowed in only for menial labor while their communities — divided by hundreds of Israeli checkpoints — languish in increasing poverty and deprivation. Recognising this situation as it is and the critical importance of establishing a viable Palestinian state is not being anti-Israel, as an increasing numbers of Israelis themselves are recognizing, but is simply a reflection of reality.”
E Omar Barghouti, fundador do BDS Movement, explicou as artimanhas de Israel para burlar o boicote neste artigo publicado na Electronic Intifada no dia 11: Boycotting Israeli settlement products: tactic vs. strategy.
The proximity was accidental, but to the point. The PLO ad sets out the details of the 2002 Saudi peace offer, decorated with the colorful flags of the 22 Arab and the 35 other Muslim countries which have endorsed the offer.
The public opinion poll predicts a landslide victory for Likud, which opposes every single word of the Saudi proposal.
The PLO ad is a first of its kind. At long last, the PLO leaders have decided to address the Israeli people directly.
The ad discloses to the Israeli population the exact terms of the all-Arab peace offer: full recognition of the State of Israel by all Arab and Muslim countries, full normalization of relations - in return for Israeli withdrawal to the pre-1967 borders and the establishment of the Palestinian state, with East Jerusalem as its capital, in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. The refugee problem would be solved by mutual agreement – meaning that Israel could veto any solution it considered unacceptable.
I have said it before: if this offer had been made on June 4, 1967, the day before the Six Day War, Israelis would have felt as if the Messiah had arrived. But when it was published in 2002, many Israelis saw it as a cunning Arab ploy to rob Israel of the fruits of its 1967 victory.
The Israeli government has never officially reacted to this historic offer. Public opinion and the media ignored it almost completely, walled in by the national consensus that there is no chance for peace.
Recently, the old offer woke up to new life. Shimon Peres and Ehud Barak discovered it suddenly, as if they had found a treasure in a hidden cave. Tzipi Livni discovered that it has some interesting points. That is the background to the blessed initiative of Saeb Erekat’s “PLO Negotiation Department” to publish the ad.
Israeli public reaction: nil.
The public opinion poll, on the other hand, made a deep impression. It cast its shadow over the entire political arena...
Meaning: if the election had taken place this week, the outcome would have been a Knesset devoted to the continuation of the occupation, the settlements and the annexation. Binyamin Netanyahu would be Prime Minister and would be able to choose freely between a dozen possible compositions of the next government coalition.
How did Netanyahu achieve such a status? After all, 10 years ago he was shamefully thrown out of the Prime Minister’s office by a public that had decided that they could not stand him for one more day. No other previous prime minister has attracted so much opposition, disgust and even loathing.
For several months now Netanyahu has been behaving like a model pupil. He kept silent when it was right to keep silent. He acted in a statesman-like manner. And then, like a magician at a children’s birthday party, he pulled one rabbit after another from his top hat. Every few days another personality joined Likud with much fanfare, in a well controlled selection and dosage: Binyamin Begin, a man of the extreme right and Dan Meridor, of the moderate right, Assaf Hefetz, former police chief and Moshe (“Bogi”) Yaalon, former army chief, and more and more. Big and small stars, who gave the impression that Likud is now regarded by everybody as the coming governing party. A multicolored party, a party of renewal, headed by an experienced and responsible leader. A party in which there are many shades of opinion, but which is united by a platform that says no to withdrawal, no to a Palestinian state, no to any compromise on Jerusalem, no to any meaningful peace negotiation. And, of course: no to the Arab peace offer.
Is there a yes? I almost forgot: Netanyahu proposes an “economic peace” – to ameliorate the situation of the Palestinians in the West Bank, so that some day in the future, before or after the coming of the Messiah, Israel could perhaps reach an accommodation – and perhaps not. But economic amelioration under an occupation regime is, of course, an oxymoron. Occupation arouses resistance, resistance arouses repression, repression means economic punishment. Nobody is going to invest money in an occupied territory.
If Netanyahu is elected, we must expect four years in which we shall not only not advance toward peace by one single inch, but, on the contrary, the ongoing thrust of the settlement enterprise will push peace ever further away...
Barack Obama will enter the Oval Office twenty days before the Israeli elections. He has still got a chance to have a decisive impact on the outcome. Nobody in Israel wants to quarrel with the United States.
If the new President announces immediately after taking office that he is determined to achieve peace between Israel and the Arabs in the spirit of the Saudi peace initiative, before the end of 2009, this will influence many voters.
If Netanyahu is elected, President Obama will be faced with a dilemma: either to enter into a serious conflict with the Government of Israel, with all the American domestic implications, or to leave peace in the freezer, like his predecessors.
The American elections were important for Israel. The Israeli elections will be important for America, too."
No Comment: Clashes in Hebron with settlers
Reservistas da IDF, forças israelenses de ocupação,
Shovrim Shtika - Breaking the Silence
How can you impose so many curfews and expect people to live?
Rank: Sergeant; Unit: Civil Administration; Area: Hebron.
Rank: Sergeant; Unit: Civil Administration; Area: Hebron.
Earlier you said a few words about how you could understand some of the complaints. I did. Like what? Not things that happened to me specifically, but things I heard about in the media, things that happened, about delays, that they didn’t want to let a pregnant woman cross—situations which apparently happened. They put up checkpoints all the time, and one of the biggest responsibilities I had there was to understand where all the checkpoints were located. The checkpoints were put up at random, and apparently this was pretty unpleasant, and the complaints were about how they couldn’t get to work. I remember something that bothered me personally—I didn’t understand the whole thing with the curfews. In Hebron there were tons of curfews, I don’t remember the number of days, but I do remember just being in shock at how we set curfews so often and expected people to live like that. I really didn’t understand how they expected people to exist. If you make people’s lives so difficult, how do you think you’ll solve any problems? You’re only creating more people who are going to hate you deep in their hearts for the rest of their lives. I’m sure that if they put me under curfew for 360 days, what would I do? The way I saw it, it just wasn’t realistic, and I remember talking about it and no one understood what I was talking about. They said, “security risk.” Great, security risk, but these are people, and they need to live. Where do they get their food? How do you make money to eat when you’re under curfew? You talked to officers and friends? I’d talk to officers and friends. I did 8/6 [eight days on the base, six at home] and I had a lot of time to forget that I was in the army. The six days when you’re in Israel, you easily forget what you’re doing. The eight days on the base go by quickly because you sleep there.
Rank: Staff Sergeant; Unit: Givati - Rotem Battalion; area: Hebron.
I remember that someone once asked me over the radio to do something, so I walked from one post to another in total darkness in Hebron, two minutes walk, and when I got back to the post I thought to myself, you’re simply nuts. Anyone who’d see you out there would kidnap you and end your life. Alone at night in Hebron, with all due respect to weapons and all. And there was this shop we went into. We always used to ask Palestinians there to buy stuff for us. We always bought at this store. Once we went into this Palestinian shop and no one was there, it was totally scary. You go in. Israeli soldiers don’t go in there. You’re afraid and you don’t want to and it’s against all regulations. It’s a really big security risk. On the other hand, if some commander catches you, you’ll go to jail or at least be grounded. I remember being on the post and then one of the guys, someone else, one of the young ones who had no problems, he replaced me at the post. Regulation-wise it’s breaking your guard shift. Because he didn’t go through procedure or anything. So he replaced me and four of us went out to get something from the shop. Because we couldn’t find anyone else to buy for us.
So what did you do?
Yes, mostly the children. “Jib al-hubz” (get bread) and pita bread and stuff like that, and he’d get it for you. They’d always get it.
You’d give him money?
Yes, yes, everything with money. He’d bring back change. They were like messengers. We didn’t pay them extra. I remember that I was really impressed with how nice they were. Years later I realized that they did out of fear. A soldier comes to you and asks you to do something, he was afraid of what you’d do to him if he refused.
Ofer II
PCHH: Weekly Reports | Palestinian Center for Human Rights
. Oficial da IDF admite que atiram nas rótulas e nas pernas dos meninos e adolescentes palestinos para aleijá-los para sempre: "We will make you all disabled!", yells an IDF officer to Palestinian youth. That's why Israeli soldiers soot their kneecaps and legssince the Second Intifada.
. Haaretz: Is the IDF Conducting a Kneecapping Campaign in the West Bank? . Father Daniel Barrigan's 1973 prophecy: Israel is becoming the bomb of the Jewish soul.
. Haaretz: Is the IDF Conducting a Kneecapping Campaign in the West Bank? . Father Daniel Barrigan's 1973 prophecy: Israel is becoming the bomb of the Jewish soul.
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