Quotidiano dos pescadores gazauís (05/10/2008).
A day in the life of Gazan fishermen
O que não mudaria nada, pois um e outro eram farinha do mesmo saco.
Livni, como Olmert, é produto de uma cisão do Revisionist Movement de direitíssima, o partido ideológico que antecedeu o Likud.
(O 'revisionista' do nome se refere à demanda sionista de revisão dos termos do Mandato Britânico a fim de que a Jordânia fosse incluída no Estado de Israel.)
O seu pai, Eitan Livni, era um dos oficiais de operações do grupo sionista terrorista Etzel, ativo durante a Naqba. (A filha me lembra a Marine Le Pen, filha do ex-líder do Front National, partido de extrema-direita francês. Ou seja, a nova geração asseptizada que pensa a mesma coisa, mas com uma fachada 'normalizada'). Tzipi Livni herdou a ideologia paterna e uma arrogância à beira da ingenuidade. Em meados de 2008, por exemplo, solicitara que os palestinos apagassem a palavra 'Naqba' de seu léxico árabe como condição sine qua non para que eventualmente obtivessem Paz e um Estado.
Quem a conhece sabe que é de linha dura e filha do pai. Literalmente. Além disso, é cria do general carniceiro Ariel Sharon, que ela considera seu mentor. Porém, por incrível que pareça, tanto a mídia israelense quanto a estrangeira cultivavam uma falsa imagem dessa loba insacável - tipo Hillary Clinto n israelense. Sem moral, sem ética, ambiciosa até a alma. Livni era chamada de dove embora fosse partidária de ocupação e guerra.
Esta percepção errada de 'pomba' talvez tivesse sido induzida por seu discurso oportunista que passou de extrema direita para o apoio à teoria dos dois Estados. Sem que nenhum repórter se preocupasse em esclarecer que tipo de Estado era esse que ela aprovava e desejava, sendo que sua ideia era clara : um que fosse despojado de seus recursos naturais, retalhado e policiado 24h do dia.
Estou gastando verbo com Tzipi Livni porque seu perfil, como o da Clinton, era de quem chegava para ficar. Custasse o que custasse. Aliás, ambas são financiadas pelo mesmo tipo de lobby milionário.
Esta falsa caracterização de Livni e até de Olmert como 'pombos' em vez de chacais, pode também ser explicada (não justificada) pelo erro de diferenciarem a 'esquerda sionista' da 'direita sionista'. Sendo que concretamente a única diferença é que a primeira é composta de pessoas como Olmert e Livni de direita inquestionável, mas que adotam, pragmaticamente, 'supostas' posições progressistas.
'Supostas' porque a dita esquerda sionista não varia em nada da direita. A única diferença é que, on the record, defende o desmantelamento parcial das colônias, embora não desaprovasse a expansão de novas colônicas, nem o controle e a violência diária contra os palestinos na Cisjordânia, nem o bloqueio da Faixa de Gaza, e que, off the record, desconsiderasse viável um Estado da Palestina ao lado do de Israel.
Ariel Sharon criou o partido Kadima para afastar-se do estigma extremista que o Likud representava e conseguiu enganar muito jornalista estrangeiro, ou os patrões que lhe haviam pedido para manera a barra se não seria difícil apoiá-lo. Este partido acolheu dissidentes do Likud e do Partido Trabalhista (que em passado remoto foi anti-colonialista e progressista). Mas de fato, o Kadima representa mesmo é a oligarquia dominante em Israel e seus interesses financeiros.
Portanto, Olmert ou Livni, para os palestinos, não mudaria nada, pois como disse um observador: The “Palestinian state” that Livni supports is a series of carved and convoluted Bantustans surrounded by walls and checkpoints is not a compromise, however flawed, between Israeli and Palestinian nationalisms. It is a compromise between the need of affluent Israelis for international economic integration and the economic dependence of poorer Jewish constituencies on the continuation of the occupation. Palestinian aspirations are not part of this arrangement at all. They are expected to merely erase themselves from their lexicon. But this is not going to happen.'
A boa notícia do mês foi que no dia 10 de outubro, enquanto os judeus comemoravam o Youm Kipour, a International Jewish Anti-Zionist Network (IJAN) comemorou o ano novo judeu de outra maneira. Organizou eventos de lançamento de suas atividades em oito países - Estados Unidos, Canadá, Inglaterra, Israel, India, Marrocos, México e Argentina - onde divulgou seu estatuto. Um das fundadoras, Sara Kershnar explicou: "IJAN was formed to join the struggle for justice in Palestine and the Middle East and challenge the Zionist censorship of Palestinian and other resistance to Zionism.IJAN seeks to rekindle a long Jewish tradition of participation in struggles for liberation and against exploitation and oppression. We intend to contribute to a growing international voice that challenges Zionism and its claim to speak on behalf of Jews worldwide; Israel and the Zionist ideology upon which it was built does not speak for us, nor does it reflect our vision of a just and safe world. The movement against Zionist apartheid must be as uncompromising as was the movement against South African apartheid. Anti-Zionism is part not only of the movement against racism but also the movement against war. We are convinced that we speak to a great unexpressed, in fact censored sentiment of support for this perspective, including among Jewish people. We commit ourselves wholeheartedly to the liberation of Palestine. We commit our hearts, minds and political energy to supporting the varied and vibrant resistance movement of the Palestinian people, the solidarity of individuals and organizations in every country and to confront the injustices for which the countries we live in are responsible. We unequivocally support the Palestinian right of return. We respond wholeheartedly to the call from Palestine for boycott, divestment and sanctions against Israel. The International Jewish anti-Zionist Network is an independent organization that supports the indigenous Palestinian struggle and leadership."
O estatuto do IJAN é claro: “The justice we work for must be built by those throughout Palestine, including Israel, and those in Palestinian refugee camps, whose struggle for self-determination can lead to equity and freedom for all who live there and in the surrounding lands.”
Livni, como Olmert, é produto de uma cisão do Revisionist Movement de direitíssima, o partido ideológico que antecedeu o Likud.
(O 'revisionista' do nome se refere à demanda sionista de revisão dos termos do Mandato Britânico a fim de que a Jordânia fosse incluída no Estado de Israel.)
O seu pai, Eitan Livni, era um dos oficiais de operações do grupo sionista terrorista Etzel, ativo durante a Naqba. (A filha me lembra a Marine Le Pen, filha do ex-líder do Front National, partido de extrema-direita francês. Ou seja, a nova geração asseptizada que pensa a mesma coisa, mas com uma fachada 'normalizada'). Tzipi Livni herdou a ideologia paterna e uma arrogância à beira da ingenuidade. Em meados de 2008, por exemplo, solicitara que os palestinos apagassem a palavra 'Naqba' de seu léxico árabe como condição sine qua non para que eventualmente obtivessem Paz e um Estado.
Quem a conhece sabe que é de linha dura e filha do pai. Literalmente. Além disso, é cria do general carniceiro Ariel Sharon, que ela considera seu mentor. Porém, por incrível que pareça, tanto a mídia israelense quanto a estrangeira cultivavam uma falsa imagem dessa loba insacável - tipo Hillary Clinto n israelense. Sem moral, sem ética, ambiciosa até a alma. Livni era chamada de dove embora fosse partidária de ocupação e guerra.
Esta percepção errada de 'pomba' talvez tivesse sido induzida por seu discurso oportunista que passou de extrema direita para o apoio à teoria dos dois Estados. Sem que nenhum repórter se preocupasse em esclarecer que tipo de Estado era esse que ela aprovava e desejava, sendo que sua ideia era clara : um que fosse despojado de seus recursos naturais, retalhado e policiado 24h do dia.
Estou gastando verbo com Tzipi Livni porque seu perfil, como o da Clinton, era de quem chegava para ficar. Custasse o que custasse. Aliás, ambas são financiadas pelo mesmo tipo de lobby milionário.
Esta falsa caracterização de Livni e até de Olmert como 'pombos' em vez de chacais, pode também ser explicada (não justificada) pelo erro de diferenciarem a 'esquerda sionista' da 'direita sionista'. Sendo que concretamente a única diferença é que a primeira é composta de pessoas como Olmert e Livni de direita inquestionável, mas que adotam, pragmaticamente, 'supostas' posições progressistas.
'Supostas' porque a dita esquerda sionista não varia em nada da direita. A única diferença é que, on the record, defende o desmantelamento parcial das colônias, embora não desaprovasse a expansão de novas colônicas, nem o controle e a violência diária contra os palestinos na Cisjordânia, nem o bloqueio da Faixa de Gaza, e que, off the record, desconsiderasse viável um Estado da Palestina ao lado do de Israel.
Portanto, Olmert ou Livni, para os palestinos, não mudaria nada, pois como disse um observador: The “Palestinian state” that Livni supports is a series of carved and convoluted Bantustans surrounded by walls and checkpoints is not a compromise, however flawed, between Israeli and Palestinian nationalisms. It is a compromise between the need of affluent Israelis for international economic integration and the economic dependence of poorer Jewish constituencies on the continuation of the occupation. Palestinian aspirations are not part of this arrangement at all. They are expected to merely erase themselves from their lexicon. But this is not going to happen.'
O estatuto do IJAN é claro: “The justice we work for must be built by those throughout Palestine, including Israel, and those in Palestinian refugee camps, whose struggle for self-determination can lead to equity and freedom for all who live there and in the surrounding lands.”
O problema começou do jeito de sempre. Extremistas judeus atacaram um palestino porque ele estava dirigindo durante o Yom Kippur, quando o tráfego em cidades ou bairros com predominância religiosa judia é quase nulo.
Paradoxalmente, os extremistas que deveriam estar quietos orando resolveram substituir as rezas por caça aos não-judeus, ou seja, aos árabes cristãos e muçulmanos que eram maioria na cidade e atacaram bairros da cidade antiga onde esta população nativa está concentrada. As gangues terroristas foram de casa em casa apedrejando janelas e jogando tochas incendiárias.
Foi um escândalo internacional, mas por incrível que pareça, a grande mídia interpretou o 'incidente' como uma aberração na 'democracia' israelense e a BBC ecoou o discurso oficial de Tel Aviv de que os "Israeli have full rights as Israeli citizens.” Enquanto o primeiro ministro Ehud Olmert chamou Acre de "a shining example of co-existence.” Discurso refutado por seu compatriota Gideon Levy: "The violence at Acre was reminiscent of Bosnia, with mobs dehumanizing and inciting hatred against the Palestinians."
O jornalista do Harratez tinha razão. O 'incidente' de Acre revelou o problema de fundo das tentativas administrativas de Israel de suprimir os direitos dos cidadãos palestinos ao mesmo tempo que mantinha fachada democrática.
Uma ativista israelenses deu exemplos deste apartheid contemporâneo que começava a saltar aos olhos estrangeiros: "One example of state discrimination is Israel’s policy of expropriating land from Palestinians and reserving it for 'the Jewish people in perpetuity' and allowing the Jewish National Fund to administer these properties. This is matched by a separate, but related, policy of house demolitions linked to severe restriction on building permits that are designed to contain Palestinian urban growth within Israel.
Israel provides political representation for its Palestinian citizens, as well as other social and economic rights, but only to the extent of their submissive acceptance of Jewish domination of the public sphere. This means that only the Zionist establishment can dictate the rules of the game for which the Palestinians are allowed to maintain their citizenship rights. In turn, the Israeli state displays its Palestinian citizens as a token of its democratic principles and practices to the rest of the world."
Democracia cada vez mais relativa, pois no mês anterior, o professor Ze'ev Sternhell, membro da ONG Peace Now, fora vítima de uma bomba de extremistas sionistas que se opõem a "any governmental 'concessions' with the Palestinians" nos territórios palestinos ocupados.
Portanto, os ataques racistas em Acre exprimiram não apenas o antagonismo enraizado contra os palestinos como também expuseram o co-poder de terrorismo civil judeu que emergia do lado israelense da Linha Verde. Onde ultra-sionistas, como na Cisjordânia, infringem as leis a fim de articular sua ideologia supremacista. Apesar da cumplicidade às vezes involuntária da grande-mídia, o 'incidente' de Acre causou uma fissura na hasbara. Foi a primeira vez que a imprensa estrangeira viu a contradição entre o discurso e as práticas de apartheid dentro de Israel, além da Cisjordânia.
O relatório de 20 páginas a ser apresentado na 63a sessão da Assembléia Geral denunciou vários casos, mas sobretudo o do maltrato do jornalista palestino Mohammed Omer que relatei no capítudo LXXI desta história.
O jurista Richard Falk que redigiu o relatório não se ateve ao caso do colega gazauí e denunciou: "The unfortunate incident cannot be discounted as an accident or an anomaly involving undisciplined Israeli security personnel. The treatment of Mr. Omer seems to have been motivated by Israeli anger over international recognition of his journalism describing the occupation of Gaza, his willingness to repeat his descriptions abroad and his dedication and intention to continue in the professional role of bearing witness to the excesses of the occupation,” chamando atenção para o fato que "all Palestinians are subject to arbitrary harassment and abuse at borders and military checkpoints, although the hostility towards journalists seems particularly severe.” Concluindo que "It should be noted that Mr. Omer was not charged with any offense, nor was he carrying any prohibited materials. His treatment, as described, appears to constitute a flagrant violation of article 3(1)(a)(c) of the Fourth Geneva Convention which prohibits outrages on personal dignity, in particular humiliating and degrading treatment” of persons under military occupation."
Nadia Hijab, do Institute for Palestine Studies em Washington, confirmou as palavras do observador da ONU: "Richard Falk is absolutely right. Other journalists have been killed or injured by Israeli security forces, even though they and their vehicles were clearly marked as 'press'.” Acrecentando: "But there are several particularly chilling aspects to Israel’s assault against Mohammed Omer. He had just been on a successful European speaking tour and received a prestigious award, and he was being met by European diplomats on his return home. Through its actions, Israel was sending a message that no Palestinian, journalist or otherwise, is safe and that even European diplomats are no match for Israel. That is a very chilling message to a defenseless people.”
Por sua vez Richard Falk avisa que "although the incident [com Mohammed Olmert] affected only one individual, it inevitably has a chilling effect, and appears to be part of a broader pattern of Israeli punitive interference with independent journalistic reporting on the occupation. The UN has a clear responsibility and definite obligation to protect independent journalism, especially in war zones and areas under occupation, as part of its commitment to human rights and international law.”
Porém, Nadia Hijab admitiu que infelizmente a ONU não está fazendo nada para a proteção dos jornalistas palestinos e estrangeiros nos TPO: “The United Nations is not equipped to protect reporters covering the occupied territories, just as it is not equipped to protect civilians. The only possible protection would be for the US and/or Europe to make it very clear to Israel that they do not condone its violations of international law.”
Para que mesmo serve a ONU?
A demanda judicial procedia, pois um mês antes dos quatro dias de visita de Ayalon, a União Europeia atualizara seu estatuto sobre tortura e outros tratamentos crueis, desumanos e degradantes a fim de pressionar os demais países para que respeitassem os direitos humanos, investigassem crimes dessa ordem e processassem os culpados. Segundo juristas europeus: "The EU’s goals are to prevent and eliminate torture and impunity wherever it occurres". Pelo jeito, menos em Israel, pois Ami Ayalon entrou e saiu da Holanda sem nem ser interrogado, embora segundo um jurista europeu: "There is ample reason for them to focus on Israel. In February 2000, Israeli authorities released a previously secret state comptroller’s report acknowledging for the first time that the Shin Bet 'knowingly' committed torture. Israel’s high court acknowledged as much two years later when it banned the use of 'physical pressure' in interrogations. And in November 2001, the United Nations Committee on Torture added its voice, expressing its concern about Israel’s use of methods similar to those alleged by al-Shami against both adults and minors. While acknowledging Israel’s security concerns, the UN report emphasized that “no exceptional circumstances” could justify torture. Israel’s state prosecutor received over 500 complaints of Shin Bet mistreatment since December 2001, yet, a joint report by the Israeli human rights organizations B’Tselem and Hamoked protested, the prosecutor “has not found cause to order the instigation of a single criminal investigation.”
Foi por causa dessa impunidade sistemática que Khalid al-Shami deux queixa fora de Israel. "Ayalon’s visit to the Netherlands provided an exceptional opportunity and engaged a duty to arrest him and establish jurisdiction,” disse um ativista do Palestinian Centre for Human Rights que ajudou Khalid a juntar provas.
Porém, Khalid esquecia que no dia 18 de maio de 2008 o ministro das relações exteriores da Holanda Maxime Verhagen declarara (em uma conferência organizada por órgãos sionistas) estar “lucky to be in the company" de Ayalon.
Segundo o jornal israelense Yedioth Ahronoth publicou no dia 07 de outubro, logo que Tel Aviv soube da queixa oficial de Khalid, “immediately contacted Dutch authorities to make certain Ayalon would not be arrested.... recebendo uma “speedy and positive response [do governo holandês] to Israel’s plea.” Concluindo que o governo de Israel então desconsiderara qualquer perigo de prisão.
O diagnóstico de um colega holandês foi preciso: Not only did the Dutch foreign minister publicly associate himself with Ayalon while the latter was been accused of torture, but, it would appear, his department helped the accused get away. A shame for our democracy.
E para a imprensa que não reagiu com devia.
"In Vancouver, CanWest dominates the news market through ownership of The Vancouver Sun, The Province,The National Post, and 12 community newspapers, as well as Global TV. Media researcher Marc Edge has called Vancouver the most concentrated metropolitan media market in any G8 country.
With so few alternative news sources, we concluded that a newspaper parody would be the best method to point out CanWest’s extreme bias.
We decided to create the satirical publication after a November 2006 trip to the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT) to assist Palestinian families trying to harvest olives on their ancestral lands. Some of the olive groves had been untended for more than five years because Palestinian farmers were killed or due to other violent intimidation from Israeli settlers and soldiers.
One morning, we could not reach a nearby village to help pick olives because the road was blocked by Israeli military vehicles attacking al-Ein refugee camp. We witnessed Israeli soldiers abducting two Palestinian medical volunteers and holding them hostage in their armored vehicle. The Israeli invasion killed a young Palestinian man that morning, and their tanks wantonly destroyed vehicles and buildings in the densely populated and impoverished refugee camp.
When we returned home to Vancouver, we were appalled by CanWest’s one-sided coverage of the situation we had just witnessed in the OPT. In CanWest publications, Israelis are almost always portrayed as innocent victims and Palestinians as inhuman terrorists. We saw no reflection of our experiences with the Palestinian families who shared their lunch with us in the shade of gnarled olive trees, nor of the violent gangs of Israeli settler youth who stoned and kicked international volunteers and Palestinian farmers while Israeli soldiers stood by.
A study released in 2006 by Toronto’s Near East Cultural and Educational Foundation quantified the shocking bias of CanWest news. It determined that during 2004, CanWest’s flagship National Post was 89 times more likely to report an Israeli child’s death than that of a Palestinian child in its news articles’ headlines or first paragraphs.
In other words, the CanWest “news coverage” made it appear that Israeli kids were killed at a rate almost four times higher than Palestinian children during 2004 when, in fact, 22 Palestinian children were killed for every Israeli child that year, according to the Israeli human rights group B’Tselem. As a 3 March 2008 Post editorial noted, “in any war, it is the child casualties that attract the greatest sympathy and anguish.”
"The world needs to hear from eminent statesmen such as Archbishop Tutu — after a recent visit to Gaza, he called the humanitarian situation of 1.5 million Palestinian civilians trapped by the Israeli siege an 'abomination.' In addition, former United States President Jimmy Carter labeled it 'one of the greatest human-rights crimes on Earth.'
Instead, the media continues to crank up the anti-Palestinian rhetoric. After a five-day period when the Israeli military killed 25 Palestinian children in Gaza (according to the Palestinian Centre for Human Rights), a 3 March 2008 National Post editorial declared that 'Israel is blameless.' According to CanWest, the 'arithmetic' of how many Palestinian children are killed by Israeli missiles and tanks is overridden by the 'moral calculus' of the 'Palestinian people as one collective suicide bomber.'
Chocante, mas em 2008, ainda era esta a visão deturpada que os jornais publicavam.
O universitário Aziz Yousef, 21, do vilarejo de Kufr Malik, foi morto no dia 21. No dia anterior Muhammad Ramahi, 21, morreu de ferimentos prévios causados por soldados israelenses após o enterro de Abdel Qader al-Zaid, de 17 anos (foto ao lado), assassinado por invasores judeus na véspera no campo de refugiados Jalazone.
A desculpa foi que o adolescente estava para jogar uns coquetéis molotov em soldados e colonos da invasão judia Bet El. Segundo o porta-voz da IDF (Exército israelenses de ocupação) "the soldiers assumed that the deceased were in the process of preparing Molotovs when they were shot.”
Mas as circunstâncias foram totalmente diferentes da hasbara.
A famílias de Abdel acusou a IDF de assassinato premeditado e o braço direito de Mahmmud Abbas, Saeb Erekat, o condenou (pro-forma) “the heavy-handed Israeli military tactics that undermine the Palestinian Authority’s efforts to establish law and order.”
Acontece que o sobrado da família Ramahi fica de frente para uma estrada (usada pelos palestinos) que separa seu vilarejo da invasão judia Bet El (que dispões de uma estrada de uso exclusivo dos colonos judeus, do lado oposto ao de Jalazone).
Esta invasão judia, como as demais, é protegida por uma cerca eletrificada de 12 metros de altura, e fica, como a maioria, em uma colina com bela vista, de cima, nítida, das cidades palestinas nos vales que avizinha.
As casas da invasão são situadas longe da cerca (roubando mais terra palestina ainda) e tem uma guarita de 15 metros de altura, à prova de balas, com vigilância militar (soldados armados de metralhadoras) diurna e noturna e há sempre um tanque da IDF estacionado do lado.
Os palestinos são terminantemente obrigados a manter distância de 400 metros do perímetro cercado (o que lhes rouba mais este pedaço de território). Os que ousam se aventurar até para buscar uma bola de futebol extraviada são baleados.
Ayman Ramahi, tio de' Muhammad e diretor da escola da ONU em Jalazone, contou a morte do sobrinho, presenciada por vários familiares : “He was excited about his new life with his bride after his family had agreed to borrow money from the bank to finance the wedding. He was not involved in politics at all and was nonviolent by nature. He was merely trying to shepherd the smaller boys away from Israeli soldiers. The boys had started to stone the soldiers after they entered the camp to break up the protest. This is always how the confrontations start. It seems to me the soldiers deliberately come here to initiate clashes.”
Muhammad morreu horas depois das balas dos invasores decimarem seu fígado, rins, e a aorta.
Por sua vez, Ikhtikhaar, de 36 anos, mãe de Abdul Kader al-Zaid, contou que seu filho fizera uma pausa nos estudos para ir comprar pão e praticar a debke ( dança tradiconal palestina) com amigos. “He was a keen sportsman who had his whole life ahead of him, and planned to study electrical engineering at university."
Seu filho Iyad, que testemunhou o crime do irmão, contou o seguinte: "He was shot dead on the outskirts of the camp. His body was then dragged 200 meters away from the camp and towards the settlement by the settlers. The soldiers prevented, at gunpoint, family members and an ambulance from reaching my brother. His body lay there for four hours surrounded by the soldiers before it was eventually returned to the family.”
O golpe de acobertamento do crime era óbvio. Quem conhece a vigilância das invasões judias na Cisjordânia sabe que teria sido dificílimo para os jovens atravessarem os 400 metros em território minado sem serem vistos dos miradores. Os soldados são munidos de binóculos ultra-violeta super-potentes e enxergam até mosquito, e à noite a área é iluminada como se fosse dia ensolarado.
E como disse um ativista: "And to throw a firebomb from hundreds of meters away, uphill over a high fence and score a direct hit on either a settlement house or a soldier in the turret, is impossible.”
Todas as testemunhas (muitas) foram unânimes em dizer que Abdel foi assassinado nas imediações do campo de refugiados palestino e não na periferia da invasão judia.
Um fato a mais que confirma o relatório que a ONG israelense B’Tselem divulgara em 2002 “Open-Fire Regulations in the Occupied Territories: Trigger Happy”. The Israeli army had changed its shoot to kill policy significantly following the outbreak of the second Palestinian intifada, or uprising, in 2000. Prior to that soldiers were only allowed to fire live ammunition when human life was in jeopardy, or if a dangerous suspect tried to escape; and then only as a last resort. Following the uprising, which the Israeli arm described as an 'armed conflict short of war,' ordinary policing acts such as dispersing demonstrations and making arrests were then expanded to fit the term 'life-threatening'. The new regulations allow, inter alia, firing at the legs of stone throwers, and sniper fire from ambush. In some areas, the procedure for apprehending suspects is nullified, and soldiers are allowed to fire without warning at Palestinian suspects.”
Comportamento contrário às leis internacionais. Estas, além de considerarem a ocupação e as invasões civis (ditas assentamentos) ilegais, rezam que em caso de ocupação, o país que ocupa é responsável pela segurança da população civil do território ocupado.
Enfim, lei que como todas as leis internacionais são aplicada aos 193 países da ONU. Menos a Israel.
(No mesmo período, 12 menores foram assassinados na Cisjordânia nas mesmas circunstâncias injustificáveis.)
Um membro do PCHR disse que “'Blood on Their Hands' exposes the extent of IOF child killings, and makes urgent recommendations for the IOF to respect the human rights of all Palestinian children in the OPT, as well as demanding that the international community intervene immediately and effectively in order to ensure that children’s human rights are respected and upheld."
Download full report [PDF -1.9MB]
O Palestinian Centre for Human Rights (PCHR) denunciou as prisões arbitrárias e perseguições de simpatizantes do Hamas e deu os nomes das vítimas da caça às bruxas feita pelo General Intelligence Service (GIS) e Preventive Security Services (PSS), órgãos da Autoridade Palestina encarregados da repressão em nome de Israel e do Quarteto chefiado por Tony Blair. Eis o comunicado do PCHR:
"On 13 October 2008, the GIS arrested Amjad Mohammed al-Hammouri (35), a dentist, from his house in al-Mahawer neighborhood in the north of Hebron. He remains in custody without charge.
On 16 October 2008 journalist Alaa Jaber al-Titi (26), from al-Arroub refugee camp north of Hebron, was summoned to Hebron by the PSS, who subsequently detained him. On 21 October, the District Court of Hebron ordered the extension of his detention for 15 days, charging him with “Working on inflaming turbulence and reinforcing fragmentation,” and “Working for an illegal satellite channel (al-Aqsa) that has been banned.” On Monday morning, 27 October, a court hearing was held to consider an appeal for al-Titi’s release. The court rejected the appeal.
On Saturday evening, 25 October 2008, a joint force of Palestinian secuity services raided the house of Mohammed Mutlaq Abu Juhaisha, Member of the Palestinian Legislative Council (PLC), who is in detention in Israel, and arrested his eldest son Maath (25).
On 26 - 27 October, a joint force of Palestinian security services stormed a number of houses in Yatta village. They arrested nine Hamas activists and supporters, including Taleb Musallam al-Najjar (44), his brother and his two sons.
A number of detainees have subsequently been released: however, dozens remain in Palestinian security service detention in Hebron district. PCHR has identified the following individuals as currently in detention: Falah Mohammed Nasser al-Din (45); Hamza Jebril Jwailes (24) university student; Amjad Mohammed al-Hammouri (35) dentist; Saed Salhab (21) university student; Maath Mohammed Edris (22) university student; Wajdi Taha Abu Esnaina (21) university student; Anas Taleb al-Najjar (24) university student; Taleb Akram Abu Esnaina (32); Taleb Mahmoud al-Najjar (44) municipal employee; Ayman Taleb al-Najjar (27), bus driver of an Islamic school; Tayseer Ali Rabba (45) employee at the Islamic Charity; Fadel Ismail al-Najjar (29), driver for the Islamic Charity; Abdullah Ahmed Buhais (32) secretary of an Islamic school; Bajes Mahmoud al-Najjar (27); Ahmed Mahmoud al-Najjar (38); Eissa Isma’il Saleh (26); Alaa Jaber al-Titi (26) journalist; Maath Mutlaq Abu Juhaisha (25).
Mas estava aí o problema. Israel queria paz em seus termos, de senhor e escravo, e não de igual para igual.
Hatem, o professor que estava no pátio na hora da investida, relatou o ocorrido: One of the soldiers shouted at me, 'Where are the boys that threw stones?' This was in response to an allegation that stones had been thrown at an Israeli civilian car by a person who came from the refugee camp and who had been wearing a black jacket. I told the soldier that the typical school day is from 8:00am to 2:30pm so all of the children were inside their classes. The soldier then pushed me to the ground and ordered the other soldiers to search the college. They kicked the doors and entered the classrooms where the children were taking their practical classes. They closed the door and one of the soldiers started beating a physically disabled student that was sitting in the first row. The soldiers started yelling at the boys and then pushed one of the students, “MD.” One of the soldiers grabbed MD and shouted, “You are the boy that threw the stones!” MD was arrested along with six other boys. The soldiers subsequently entered the other classrooms and began randomly arresting students. They specifically targeted those who were wearing black jackets. The soldiers then took all of the boys to the playground area and prevented the teachers from talking with the students.
The soldiers subsequently started to beat one of the students, “RB,” by slapping his face and kicking him on his head. Hatem tried to help him, however, the soldiers threatened to open fire. They then fired stun grenades and live bullets into the playground area. The soldiers continued to beat some of the other detained students. I could hear the students screaming from the beatings, however, I was prevented from doing anything to help them. The director of the college called an ambulance, but it was delayed due to the soldiers blocking the entrance of the camp. The soldiers then blindfolded and shackled 19 students and forced them to sit at the base of the military tower at the entrance of the refugee camp. After 15 minutes the soldiers released nine students."
O adolescente de 16 anos (o mais velho dos meninos detidos) prestou o seguinte depoimento a seu advogado: "My name is RB. I was born on the 26 October 1992. I’m a 10th grade student at the Palestine Technical College where I study agriculture. On 30 October 2008, as usual I went to school. I was supposed to have an exam that day. At around 10:30am I was terrified when I saw soldiers entering the classroom. They started randomly arresting my classmates. Then the soldier told me to get out of the class. I was taken to the playground area of the school. When the soldier saw me looking at him he grabbed my head and slapped me on the face. He told me to keep my face to the ground. After that he made all of us stand in one row and we were forced to walk one after the other towards the military tower. I lost my place in the row and the soldier hit me on my legs and kicked me. Another soldier beat me until we reached the gate of the refugee camp. After that, the soldier laughed in my face and when I looked back he slapped me and beat me so hard on the chest that I felt it was difficult to breathe. I fell to the ground where I continued to be beaten. After about three hours I was blindfolded and shackled and pushed into the military jeep. My blindfold slipped in the process of getting into the jeep so I was beaten again."
A Addameer (ONG de apoio aos prisioneiros) que forneceu assistência jurídica aos meninos, divulgou mais um vão comunicado condenando a punição coletiva à moda nazista: Addameer strongly condemns the collective punishment of these school boys and their continued detention without sufficient evidence. The Convention on the Rights of the Child sets up universally recognized principles and norms as minimal standards for children’s rights. One fundamental principle of sentencing is that the deprivation of liberty, if used at all, should only be used as a measure of last resort and for the shortest appropriate period of time (Art. 37 (b), CRC). Clearly this is not the case for these eight boys. It should be emphasized that, in accordance with the Convention, every Child without exception whatsoever, has the right to benefit from these standards. According to Israeli military order 132, Palestinian children age 16 and older are treated as adults and are tried and sentenced by Israeli military courts as adults. Israeli military orders are applied to Palestinian children, even as juvenile legislation defines Israeli children as age 18 or younger. Addameer urges the international community to demand that Israel abide by international law and treat those under the age of 18 as children. In addition, Addameer calls on the international community to insist that the Israeli occupation forces stop at once further arrests of Palestinian juveniles in the Occupied Palestinian Territories.
Porém, as detenções arbitrárias de menores continuaria do mesmo jeito, com a mesma violência, em toda a Palestina. Assim como a obstruição a colheitas e destruição de oliveiras, essenciais à economia palestina.
E o OCHA, fez o seguinte realtório sobre os 10 primeiros meses do calvário dos palestinos em seus territórios ocupados. Special Focus: Unprotected: Israeli settler violence against Palestinian civilians and their property. Arabic | English | Hebrew
O mês em fotos: Photostory: The month in pictures, October 2008
Enquanto isso, um grupo de estrangeiros valentes tentavam furar o bloqueio de Gaza
Gaza, we are coming!
Enquanto isso, um grupo de estrangeiros valentes tentavam furar o bloqueio de Gaza
Gaza, we are coming!
Palestinian workers exploited at West Bank settlement factories. Adri Nieuwhof. 05/10/2008.
West's silence towards Israel's racial discrimination unacceptable. Adri Nieuwhof. 19/10/2008.
The pauperization of Palestine. Sonja Karkar. 22/10/2008.
Reservistas da IDF, forças israelenses de ocupação,
Shovrim Shtika - Breaking the Silence
Testimony catalog number: 117839; rank: Staff Sergeant
About house searches, I wanted to say that I believe that there was not one person on the team who didn't take some prayer beads or a picture or some other souvenir, and with time these became more than just prayer beads and souvenirs, people started to really look for stuff. You're searching anyway, so let's really search and look for lighters and cigarette boxes, and take such things. Finally, it got to discussions about taking money, and once they found a safe and blew it up in order to see what's inside. So a safe was blown up and a lot of money was burnt inside, and the commander wouldn't let them take the money, and they went off and talked about it for days; about why the commander was there and that they should have taken the money, they would have gotten rich. There were lots of Jordanian dinar notes.
How much was that worth?
Lots. A dinar is worth five NIS. So, with time, there was moral deterioration, about what you take and what you don't. Psychologically, I think the reason is that you constantly feel you're at war with them. You don't separate. I think most Israelis don't separate – I mean there used to be Palestinian policemen, but say also between Hamas and such groups and civilians. It's all seen as one block because that's how the army is trained. To fight a war against "Them", so you're against "Them", period. It's very difficult to make this separation when you look at these people. I especially remember things being looted after the murder of the [Israeli] infant Shalhevet Pas. So later you hear a lot of people saying they all have to be killed. Sometimes it's just angry talk, but often when you take this with you into an operation, you are less likely to consider the feelings of civilians standing in front of you, and you'll get more violent, "show them what's what", with a vengeance.
You said everyone takes souvenirs, and if there are more and more searches, you tend to look more and more for your own type of souvenir.
Yes.
?What's the worst thing that was taken?
Weapons. If we found Kalachnikovs, there were times. . . after all, it's in battle and the commanders are especially stressed, so finally no one really notices where those weapons that we found are being kept.
People took weapons home?
Yes, they found a Kalachnikov and it's nice to hang it on the wall, or something, instead of bringing it in to Military Police. Someone once took such a weapon out and no one knew where it was, really, and he wouldn't tell he had it because then he'd be punished, but the MP really wanted it, perhaps to check ballistics, see what it was used for. I don't remember how this ended, but there were often
Ofer I
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