Nil'in: Demonstration agaisnt the wall (01/06/08-4')
O jornalista palestino, premiado em 2006 com o prêmio New America Media’s Best Youth Voice award, acabara de receber o prêmio internacional mais prestigioso no jornalismo de conflitos, o Martha Gellhorn* Prize for Journalism*. Os soldados israelenses que o obrigaram a despir-se, que lhe bateram e humilharam talvez não soubessem disso, mas sabiam exatamente quem ele era. Já seus superiores hierárquicos que ordenaram a "sessão de boas-vindas" sabiam perfeitamente o que Omer fazia, de onde vinha e para onde ia.
Omer reside em Gaza e estava voltando de Londres, onde fora buscar seu prêmio Gelhorn, e de uma série de conferências em capitais européias durante as quais participara de uma reunião de informação especial com os deputados gregos no Parlamento Europeu.
Sua viagem fora patrocinada por The Washington Report, e a Embaixada da Holanda em Tel Aviv se encarregara de coordenar o roteiro e seu "security permit" junto às autoridades israelenses para ele poder deixar o território nacional sem perigo de proibição de banimento definitivo. Pois há de se lembrar que Israel controla a fronteira da Palestina inteira e restringe a entrada e saída de todo cidadão palestino. Alega razões de segurança, mas na realidade usa esta restrição como mais uma punição coletiva do povo ocupado restringindo-lhe a liberdade e como uma maneira de praticar sua limpeza étnica impedindo o retorno dos que saem temporariamente.
Ninguém suspeitava que Omer fosse sofrer tal abuso porque quando estava em trânsito em Amman, na Jordânia, recebera confirmação de "security clearance" de Tel Aviv e estava acompanhado de diplomatas europeus.
A passagem pelo controle jordaniano foi sem contratempo, conforme a praxe em países normais. Os problemas começaram quando Omer atravessou a fronteira controlada pela IDF.
Questionado por uma soldada, ele a informou que estava a caminho de casa, em Gaza, e a moça, debochada, perguntou-lhe várias vezes onde ficava Gaza deleitando-se com seu joguinho perverso de apagar a Faixa do mapa e repetindo que ele não tinha autorização nem coordenação para entrar nos territórios palestinos ocupados. Ele explicou que Sim, mas foi levado para uma saleta de interrogatório assim mesmo. Lá, passou uma hora e meia sendo interrogado e mal-tratado por agentes do Shin Bet. “Eventually I was asked whether I had a knife or gun on me even though I had already passed through the x-ray machine, had my luggage searched, and was in the company of Dutch diplomats,” contou Omer.
Voltaram a revistar sua bagagem e documento por documento que carregava, anotando os nomes e números de telefone dos parlamentares estrangeiros que ele encontrara durante a viagem. "The Shin Bet officials then started to make fun of the European parliamentarians, and mocked me for being 'the prize-winning journalist', e perguntavam sem parar porquê ele estava voltando para “the hell of Gaza after we allowed you to leave.” Ao que ele respondia que queria ser a voz dos sem-vozes, voice for the voiceless. E os agentes repetiam que ele era um “trouble-maker,” criador de caso.
Os agentes do Shin Bet escrutaram o dinheiro de Omer, viram as libras e recusaram a explicação óbvia do prêmio britânico ter sido pago na moeda inglesa. Depois foi obrigado a despir-se. “At first I refused but then I had an M16 [gun] pointed in my face and my clothes were forcibly removed, even my underwear. At this point I broke down and pleaded for an end to such treatment. And I was told, “you haven’t seen anything yet.” Os agentes o derrubaram, o seguraram no chão deitado enquanto um deles pisava em seu pescoço de bota, e 'revistaram' todos os orifícios de seu corpo.
O jornalista então começou a vomitar e desmaiou. Quando voltou a si seus algozes estavam escancarando suas pálpebras como no filme Clockwork Orange do Stanley Kubrick. "My eardrums probed by an Israeli military doctor, who was also armed. I was then dragged along the floor by my feet by the Shin Bet officials, with my head repeatedly banging on the floor, to a Palestinian ambulance which had been called. I eventually woke up in a Palestinian hospital with the doctors trying to reassure me,” relatou Omer.
O Ministro das Relações Exteriores da Holanda Maxime Herhagen ligou para o embaixador de Israel em Amsterdã exigindo explicação, assim como o Embaixador da Holanda em Tel Aviv ligou para o Ministro das Relações Exteriores de Israel com a mesma demanda.
O Ministro das Relações Exteriores da Holanda na Háguia declarou então à IPS: “We are taking this whole incident very seriously as we don’t believe the behavior of the Israeli officials is in accordance with a modern democracy." E o responsável da IPS acrescentou: “We are further concerned about the mistreatment of an internationally renowned journalist trying to go about his daily business.”
Enquanto tudo isso acontecia, a porta-voz do governo junto à Israeli Foreign Press Association declarou à imprensa estrangeira que "was unaware of the incident". E Lisa Dvir, do Israeli Airport Authority (IAA), responsável pelo controle das fronteiras, declarou sem vergonha que a IAA não estava a par das credenciais de jornalista de Omer nem da coordenação de sua viagem.“We would like to know who Omer spoke to in regard to receiving coordination to pass through Allenby. We offer journalists a special service when passing through our border crossings, and had we known about his arrival this would not have happened. I’m not aware of the events that followed his detention, and we are not responsible for the behavior of the Shin Bet.”
Reservei o blog de hoje a esta história do colega Mohammed Omer não por ser inusitada e sim por ser a praxe do tratamento que a IDF e o Shin Bet reservam a todo palestino que querem intimidar ou simplesmente humilhar quando detêm o cidadão nativo e quando este chega a um dos muitos checkpoints dentro da Cisjord$ania ou postos de fronteira.
Não são só os abusos que são correntes. Os desavergonhados desmentidos oficiais e o jogar a batata quente de um órgão oficial a outro também são. No final das contas, jogam a culpa no Shin Bet como se fosse desgovernado e incontrolável em vez de ser um serviço de inteligência submetido a disciplina militar e a ordens de autoridades governamentais.
Quanto às cobranças do governo holandês, também caíram no vazio. Era como se Israel quisesse desafiar a Europa mostrando que é inatingível e que sua impunidade é ponto pacífico.
Abaixo, vídeo-relatório e artigo de Mohammed Omer, que demorou meses para recuperar-se deste trauma, como todos os palestinos de 12 a 75 anos que são submetidos à mesma tortura psciológica e aos mesmos abusos físicos.
Sua viagem fora patrocinada por The Washington Report, e a Embaixada da Holanda em Tel Aviv se encarregara de coordenar o roteiro e seu "security permit" junto às autoridades israelenses para ele poder deixar o território nacional sem perigo de proibição de banimento definitivo. Pois há de se lembrar que Israel controla a fronteira da Palestina inteira e restringe a entrada e saída de todo cidadão palestino. Alega razões de segurança, mas na realidade usa esta restrição como mais uma punição coletiva do povo ocupado restringindo-lhe a liberdade e como uma maneira de praticar sua limpeza étnica impedindo o retorno dos que saem temporariamente.
Ninguém suspeitava que Omer fosse sofrer tal abuso porque quando estava em trânsito em Amman, na Jordânia, recebera confirmação de "security clearance" de Tel Aviv e estava acompanhado de diplomatas europeus.
A passagem pelo controle jordaniano foi sem contratempo, conforme a praxe em países normais. Os problemas começaram quando Omer atravessou a fronteira controlada pela IDF.
Questionado por uma soldada, ele a informou que estava a caminho de casa, em Gaza, e a moça, debochada, perguntou-lhe várias vezes onde ficava Gaza deleitando-se com seu joguinho perverso de apagar a Faixa do mapa e repetindo que ele não tinha autorização nem coordenação para entrar nos territórios palestinos ocupados. Ele explicou que Sim, mas foi levado para uma saleta de interrogatório assim mesmo. Lá, passou uma hora e meia sendo interrogado e mal-tratado por agentes do Shin Bet. “Eventually I was asked whether I had a knife or gun on me even though I had already passed through the x-ray machine, had my luggage searched, and was in the company of Dutch diplomats,” contou Omer.
Voltaram a revistar sua bagagem e documento por documento que carregava, anotando os nomes e números de telefone dos parlamentares estrangeiros que ele encontrara durante a viagem. "The Shin Bet officials then started to make fun of the European parliamentarians, and mocked me for being 'the prize-winning journalist', e perguntavam sem parar porquê ele estava voltando para “the hell of Gaza after we allowed you to leave.” Ao que ele respondia que queria ser a voz dos sem-vozes, voice for the voiceless. E os agentes repetiam que ele era um “trouble-maker,” criador de caso.
Os agentes do Shin Bet escrutaram o dinheiro de Omer, viram as libras e recusaram a explicação óbvia do prêmio britânico ter sido pago na moeda inglesa. Depois foi obrigado a despir-se. “At first I refused but then I had an M16 [gun] pointed in my face and my clothes were forcibly removed, even my underwear. At this point I broke down and pleaded for an end to such treatment. And I was told, “you haven’t seen anything yet.” Os agentes o derrubaram, o seguraram no chão deitado enquanto um deles pisava em seu pescoço de bota, e 'revistaram' todos os orifícios de seu corpo.
O jornalista então começou a vomitar e desmaiou. Quando voltou a si seus algozes estavam escancarando suas pálpebras como no filme Clockwork Orange do Stanley Kubrick. "My eardrums probed by an Israeli military doctor, who was also armed. I was then dragged along the floor by my feet by the Shin Bet officials, with my head repeatedly banging on the floor, to a Palestinian ambulance which had been called. I eventually woke up in a Palestinian hospital with the doctors trying to reassure me,” relatou Omer.
O Ministro das Relações Exteriores da Holanda Maxime Herhagen ligou para o embaixador de Israel em Amsterdã exigindo explicação, assim como o Embaixador da Holanda em Tel Aviv ligou para o Ministro das Relações Exteriores de Israel com a mesma demanda.
O Ministro das Relações Exteriores da Holanda na Háguia declarou então à IPS: “We are taking this whole incident very seriously as we don’t believe the behavior of the Israeli officials is in accordance with a modern democracy." E o responsável da IPS acrescentou: “We are further concerned about the mistreatment of an internationally renowned journalist trying to go about his daily business.”
Enquanto tudo isso acontecia, a porta-voz do governo junto à Israeli Foreign Press Association declarou à imprensa estrangeira que "was unaware of the incident". E Lisa Dvir, do Israeli Airport Authority (IAA), responsável pelo controle das fronteiras, declarou sem vergonha que a IAA não estava a par das credenciais de jornalista de Omer nem da coordenação de sua viagem.“We would like to know who Omer spoke to in regard to receiving coordination to pass through Allenby. We offer journalists a special service when passing through our border crossings, and had we known about his arrival this would not have happened. I’m not aware of the events that followed his detention, and we are not responsible for the behavior of the Shin Bet.”
Reservei o blog de hoje a esta história do colega Mohammed Omer não por ser inusitada e sim por ser a praxe do tratamento que a IDF e o Shin Bet reservam a todo palestino que querem intimidar ou simplesmente humilhar quando detêm o cidadão nativo e quando este chega a um dos muitos checkpoints dentro da Cisjord$ania ou postos de fronteira.
Não são só os abusos que são correntes. Os desavergonhados desmentidos oficiais e o jogar a batata quente de um órgão oficial a outro também são. No final das contas, jogam a culpa no Shin Bet como se fosse desgovernado e incontrolável em vez de ser um serviço de inteligência submetido a disciplina militar e a ordens de autoridades governamentais.
Quanto às cobranças do governo holandês, também caíram no vazio. Era como se Israel quisesse desafiar a Europa mostrando que é inatingível e que sua impunidade é ponto pacífico.
Abaixo, vídeo-relatório e artigo de Mohammed Omer, que demorou meses para recuperar-se deste trauma, como todos os palestinos de 12 a 75 anos que são submetidos à mesma tortura psciológica e aos mesmos abusos físicos.
Mohammed Omer e a Ocupação. 2006 (10')
Falando em barreira-checkpoint, e múltiplos obstáculos móveis à locomoção dos palestinos, nesse mês, a IDF aumentou vários. Três delas, nas vizinhanças de Hebron (Blog 29/04/12) a fim de ilhar os hebronitas e puni-los ainda mais por sua "teimosia", que neste caso, era resistir à tomada de sua cidade por colonos judeus extremistas.
Uma delas na estrada entre Hebron e o centro comercial Yatta, no sul da Cisjordânia.
Embora seja uma cidade de apenas 45.000 habitantes, além de ser o foco econômico da região, Yatta aloja hospitais, escolas secundárias e serviços públicos essenciais aos hebronitas e aos palestinos sulistas, a quem a barreira privou inclusive de água nesse período de seca. O preço da água potável dobrou devido ao custo e à dificuldade do transporte e ficou inacessível a muitas famílias. A assistência médica ficou ainda mais difícil, pois os doentes, até os em estado crítico, ficavam horas bloqueados nos checkpoints, ao ponto de mulheres grávidas darem a luz precariamente nas barbas dos indiferentes soldados israelenses.
Ao aumentar as barreiras, parecia que Israel queria desafiar o World Bank que divulgara um relatório no início do ano dizendo: Israel’s closure system is a leading cause for the Palestinians’ economic woes and if there is no ease on these restrictions the Palestinian economy will continue to rapidly decline despite the $7.4 billion in aid pledged at the international donors conference in Paris at the beginning of the year.
O Ministro da (In)Justiça de Israel respondeu ao WB com a hasbara de sempre: “on occasion, access to certain roads is restricted in the face of a real security threat. However, as soon as such a threat no longer exists, such restrictions are lifted.” Mas a ONG israelense de Direitos Humanos B'Tselem contra-atacou: “In reality, over 300 kilometers of roads in the West Bank are either partially or completely restricted for the use of Palestinians, on a permanent basis, regardless of any specific threat.”
O Dr. Bassen Abu Mahdi, diretor do principal posto de saúde do distrito de Salfit, mais ao norte, levantou outro problema dos checkpoints arbitrários: “Another problem facing motorists and pedestrians trying to cross the checkpoints is the threat of being accidentally shot at night by nervous Israeli soldiers. This has happened before. To avoid this problem people delay seeking urgent treatment during the night and postpone it until morning, when time is of the essence.” E Saeb Erekat, chefe da comissão de negociações de paz, também reclamou dos checkpoints: “This is destroying the livelihoods of Palestinians, the economy, agriculture, education and health situation.” Sem nenhuma repercussão. Embora fizesse anos que os checkpoints proliferavam, restringindo os movimentos dos palestinos em todos os sentidos. A tal ponto que John Dugard, enviado da ONU, estava dizendo que "a picture was emerging of a West Bank divided into three areas — north, central and south."
O relatório das Nações Unidas denuncia também que "This [checkpoints] has limited the ability of Palestinians to move freely around the West Bank for social, medical, business or educational purposes, as the West Bank is now practically divided into three cantons. The Nablus district in the north of the West Bank is for example practically encircled by the Israeli army, and only those with the necessary documentation can exit and enter the city. Movement is easier inside these areas, but travel between them is hampered by a combination of checkpoints and other physical obstacles. The roadblocks have helped create a system of roads limited for Israeli use, while funneling Palestinian motorists onto alternative routes where movement is restricted. The new physical obstacles have further limited access to land, markets, services and social relations". O relatório cita também o "new Israeli permit system limiting Palestinian access to the West Bank’s Jordan Valley, where many farmers own land. Farmers are struggling to reach their fields and ship their produce to markets, while rural communities have been isolated from cities because of the travel difficulties."
O Ministro da Defesa na época era o general Ehud Barak, ex-primeiro ministro e outro mestre da double talk e da hasbara. E praticando o esporte favorito das autoridades israelenses, disse à US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice o que ela queria ouvir: "Israel had removed 61 of the more than 500 roadblocks and checkpoints in the West Bank to make life easier for the Palestinians.” Enquanto que no terreno instalava outros e dificultava ainda mais a vida dos nativos cujas terras Israel ocupava. A mentira descarada de Ehud Barak não foi contestada pelos EUA nem quando o UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) revelou em maio que "the number of West Bank closure obstacles have risen from 566 to 607 from September last year to the end of April this year". O próprio organismo da ONU declarou que das 61 barreiras da lista que Barak apresentou a Rice, 6 permaneceram onde estavam, 11 não existiam, e a maioria absoluta dos outros 44 que foram removidos não tinham nenhuma implicação na liberdade de movimento dos palestinos. Apenas cinco deles eram significantes. Segundo o OCHA, "some of the checkpoints have been abandoned years ago. Others have been erected by Israeli army that day, only to be removed later the same day while still counted in the tally of checkpoints allegedly removed. Some of the roadblocks removed were situated in the middle of fields and therefore had little impact on movement and access".
Mas foi a hasbara que prevalesceu e Ehud Barak deve ter dado gargalhadas da ingenuidade de Condoleeza Rice em acreditar em suas palavras.
No dia 06 de junho de 2008, Ali Abunimah, riador da Electronic Intifada, em uma onda de desilusão, denunciou no seguinte artigo o quanto as colônias, os muros e as barreiras já inviabilizavam a solução dos dois Estados. Eu discordo. O Estado palestino é viável a cem por cento se houver vontade e determinação política dos palestinos e das Nações Unidas.
Eis o artigo: Beyond the make-believe of negotiations."In other words, it’s too late because The West Bank today is an ugly quilt ..."
Eis o artigo: Beyond the make-believe of negotiations."In other words, it’s too late because The West Bank today is an ugly quilt ..."
IDF's soldier shout to the Palestinians at a checkpoint in Hebron:
"I hate you!... I'm gonna eat you!"
Enquanto isso, na Palestina litorânea, Rami almeghari acabara de publicar um artigo de alerta sobre a degeneração galopante das condições de saúde decorrentes do bloqueio da Faixa de Gaza.
With economic siege comes malnutrition. Rami Almeghari.
A arbitrariedade israelense em junho de 2008 não se restringiu ao abuso relatado no início e nem nos
problemas denunciados nas duas matérias publicadas na Electronic Intifada cujos links publiquei acima. Na Faixa, no dia 17, a IDF matou mais seis pessoas em um bombardeio de Khan Younis e Deir al-Balah. Aumentando para 357 o número de palestinos assassinados no primeiro semestre de 2008, segundo o Al Mezan Center for Human Rights, Só no mês de junho, 25.
Nesse dia um drone da IDF bombardeou a Faixa três vezes. A primeira vez foi por volta das 14:10. O míssil visava um carro cujos passageiros escaparam, mas três jovens que estavam em uma carroça atrás foram feridos por estilhaços shrapnel. O drone voltou a atacar em seguida os passageiros do carro na rua al-Bee'a em Deir al-Balah ferindo três - um deles morreu mais tarde e foi identificado como Salah Saber Qaduha, de 23 anos, morador do campo de refugiados al-Nusserat.
Por volta das 14:30 o drone bombardeou outro carro na rua Jamal Abd al-Nasser matando seus cinco passageiros: Mo’taz Mohammad Doghmosh, de 29 anos; Mohammad Amer Asaliyeh, 21; Nidal Khalid al-Sdoudi, 21; Mahmoud Mohammad al-Shendi, 27; Fawzi Sulaiman al-Odaini, 35.
Quaisquer que fossem as razões dos atentados, estes infringiam as leis internacionais.
No dia 26 de junho os palestinos receberam uma boa notícia.
Em 2007 artistas, fotógrafos e desenhistas locais haviam mapeado sua nação no Subjective Atlas of Palestine. O Atlas subjetivo retrata uma imagem diferente da relatada na grande media e foi publicado graças à desenhista holandesa Annelys de Vet da International Academy of Arts in Palestine e do Dutch Interchurch Organization for Development Cooperation.
Os adjetivos que os leitores usaram para definir o atlas alternativo foram unânimes: "moving, beautiful, poetic and at times heart-breaking book".
Este trabalho coletivo foi premiado no dia 26 de junho como o best designed book of 2007, na frente de 465 concorrentes e foi exposto no famoso museu Stedelijk de Amsterdã.
O atlas foi concebido em abril de 2007 em um seminário de artistas palestinos organizado pela Academia Internacional de Arte Palestina, em Ramallah. Os artistas gazauís não puderam participar fisicamente do seminário devido à proibição de deixar sua prisão a céu "aberto", mas foram incluídos no projeto através do WEB.
Hassan Khader, um escritor de Gaza que está morando na Alemanha, definiu o atlas com as seguintes palavras: “There is a lot of melancholy hanging in the air, a sense of black humor and even boredom. The map is formed and deformed, joyfully or sarcastically; daily life activities are cherished as precious proofs of resilience. Normalcy can be achieved in different ways, by different means. No one would stop for a moment to ask: ‘How can I normalize my life?’ The question is: ‘How can I keep time-tested means of normalcy functioning and oiled?’
Palestine as a metaphor is much more complicated and multi-layered than the one portrayed by political rhetoric. Behind every truth there is a much deeper one. The potential of Palestine as a metaphor has always been rich. The Palestinians are tired, they need a break. The energies they invest just to be like anyone else, their quest for a normal life and the hopes they nourish, are channelled into a tortured relationship with time and place.”
Quanto ao júri, comentou assim sua escolha: “sometimes the subject makes one already give in while assessing the book. Is there another country that appeals more to the imagination than Palestine! Not in the least because of the constant stream of poignant images we see in the media, picturing Palestinians as perpetrators or victims of violence. A tragedy that holds our collective conscience hostage since 1948. We are hardly able to imagine daily life in Palestine. This is exactly what makes this atlas special. It challenges the one-sided approach of the Western media, and at the same time it shows the current situation in Palestine.” The report of the jury concludes with, the book is “a special document that with a soft voice brings an important message.”
Como era de se esperar, durante a entrevista coletiva de lançamento do atals, um jornalista holandês perguntou para Annelys se ela pensava em organizar um “Subjective Atlas of Israel,” e ela declarou: “This is exactly the problem. Would I had made such an atlas of Israel, nobody would have asked if I were going to make one about Palestine.”
Pois é.
Os autores autorizaram a divulgação do material do Subjective Atlas of Palestine contanto que a autoria seja mencionada. Fique à vontade para baixá-lo, fazer cartazes e divulgá-lo.
O Atlas pode ser baixado ou comprado - The atlas can be downloaded or bought from: www.subjectiveatlasofpalestine.info.
No início de julho o Palestinian Centre for Human Rights publicou o nono relatório “Extra-judicial executions … Official, Declared Israeli Policy” sobre as execuções extra-judiciais israelenses de palestinos entre o dia 1° de agosto de 2006 a 30 de junho de 2008.
O relatório era dividido em cinco partes. A primeira expunha a jurisprudência internacional sobre o tema. A segunda expunha a posição de Israel - o único país do mundo, além dos EUA, que comete oficialmente este tipo de crime. A terceira incluía as seguintes estatísticas: "the IOF committed 96 extra-judicial executions against Palestinian activists from all political parties in the Gaza Strip and West Bank. Israel accused them of involvement or planning operations against Israeli targets in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT) or Israel. The total number of victims in these 96 crimes was 173 Palestinians: 150 were intended targets and 23 were civilian bystanders. The civilian victims included three women and three children. In the Gaza Strip, IOFcommitted 63 extra-judicial executions that killed 119 Palestinians (103 targeted and 17 bystanders); while in the West Bank IOF committed 33 extra-judicial executions that killed 54 Palestinians (50 targeted and four bystanders)."
Na semana anterior, Ehud Barak assinara pessoalmente ordem de fechamento de 36 obras caritativas na Palestina inteira as declarando ilegais por serem ligadas à Zakat Federation "that collects money for Hamas". No dia 07 o Haaretz já soara o alarme: Israeli security forces will escalate their war on the Hamas infrastructure in the West Bank, and the military leadership plans to close a large number of associations and charities and confiscate their property, com o pretexto de serem ligadas ao Hamas., que diga-se de passagem, começou suas atividades justamente a serviço socio-médico-cultural.
Trocando em miúdos, a operação de depredação e fechamento dessas instituições visava apenas intimidar as famílias que ousassem recorrer à ajuda de serviços públicos do Hamas. OU seja, mais uma punição coletiva e roubo "legalizado".
With economic siege comes malnutrition. Rami Almeghari.
A arbitrariedade israelense em junho de 2008 não se restringiu ao abuso relatado no início e nem nos
problemas denunciados nas duas matérias publicadas na Electronic Intifada cujos links publiquei acima. Na Faixa, no dia 17, a IDF matou mais seis pessoas em um bombardeio de Khan Younis e Deir al-Balah. Aumentando para 357 o número de palestinos assassinados no primeiro semestre de 2008, segundo o Al Mezan Center for Human Rights, Só no mês de junho, 25.
Nesse dia um drone da IDF bombardeou a Faixa três vezes. A primeira vez foi por volta das 14:10. O míssil visava um carro cujos passageiros escaparam, mas três jovens que estavam em uma carroça atrás foram feridos por estilhaços shrapnel. O drone voltou a atacar em seguida os passageiros do carro na rua al-Bee'a em Deir al-Balah ferindo três - um deles morreu mais tarde e foi identificado como Salah Saber Qaduha, de 23 anos, morador do campo de refugiados al-Nusserat.
Por volta das 14:30 o drone bombardeou outro carro na rua Jamal Abd al-Nasser matando seus cinco passageiros: Mo’taz Mohammad Doghmosh, de 29 anos; Mohammad Amer Asaliyeh, 21; Nidal Khalid al-Sdoudi, 21; Mahmoud Mohammad al-Shendi, 27; Fawzi Sulaiman al-Odaini, 35.
Quaisquer que fossem as razões dos atentados, estes infringiam as leis internacionais.
Settlers attack Palestinian shepherds in the West Bank (08/06/08-1')
Em 2007 artistas, fotógrafos e desenhistas locais haviam mapeado sua nação no Subjective Atlas of Palestine. O Atlas subjetivo retrata uma imagem diferente da relatada na grande media e foi publicado graças à desenhista holandesa Annelys de Vet da International Academy of Arts in Palestine e do Dutch Interchurch Organization for Development Cooperation.
Os adjetivos que os leitores usaram para definir o atlas alternativo foram unânimes: "moving, beautiful, poetic and at times heart-breaking book".
Este trabalho coletivo foi premiado no dia 26 de junho como o best designed book of 2007, na frente de 465 concorrentes e foi exposto no famoso museu Stedelijk de Amsterdã.
O atlas foi concebido em abril de 2007 em um seminário de artistas palestinos organizado pela Academia Internacional de Arte Palestina, em Ramallah. Os artistas gazauís não puderam participar fisicamente do seminário devido à proibição de deixar sua prisão a céu "aberto", mas foram incluídos no projeto através do WEB.
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| Foto de Majdi Hadid |
Palestine as a metaphor is much more complicated and multi-layered than the one portrayed by political rhetoric. Behind every truth there is a much deeper one. The potential of Palestine as a metaphor has always been rich. The Palestinians are tired, they need a break. The energies they invest just to be like anyone else, their quest for a normal life and the hopes they nourish, are channelled into a tortured relationship with time and place.”
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| Foto de Hosni Radwan |
Como era de se esperar, durante a entrevista coletiva de lançamento do atals, um jornalista holandês perguntou para Annelys se ela pensava em organizar um “Subjective Atlas of Israel,” e ela declarou: “This is exactly the problem. Would I had made such an atlas of Israel, nobody would have asked if I were going to make one about Palestine.”
Pois é.
Os autores autorizaram a divulgação do material do Subjective Atlas of Palestine contanto que a autoria seja mencionada. Fique à vontade para baixá-lo, fazer cartazes e divulgá-lo.
O Atlas pode ser baixado ou comprado - The atlas can be downloaded or bought from: www.subjectiveatlasofpalestine.info.
"Israeli Settlements Harm peace" (15/06/08-2')
Nil'in Non-Violent struggle against the Wall (21/06/08-7')
O relatório era dividido em cinco partes. A primeira expunha a jurisprudência internacional sobre o tema. A segunda expunha a posição de Israel - o único país do mundo, além dos EUA, que comete oficialmente este tipo de crime. A terceira incluía as seguintes estatísticas: "the IOF committed 96 extra-judicial executions against Palestinian activists from all political parties in the Gaza Strip and West Bank. Israel accused them of involvement or planning operations against Israeli targets in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT) or Israel. The total number of victims in these 96 crimes was 173 Palestinians: 150 were intended targets and 23 were civilian bystanders. The civilian victims included three women and three children. In the Gaza Strip, IOFcommitted 63 extra-judicial executions that killed 119 Palestinians (103 targeted and 17 bystanders); while in the West Bank IOF committed 33 extra-judicial executions that killed 54 Palestinians (50 targeted and four bystanders)."
O relatório lembrou que no início da Segunda Intifada, "Israel committed 348 extra-judicial executions. These crimes killed 754 Palestinians, constituting 20 percent of the total number of Palestinians killed during the Intifada. These victims included 521 intended targets and 233 civilian bystanders. Among the civilian were 71 children and 20 women. The West Bank victims were 350 that included 274 targeted persons and 76 bystanders; and in the Gaza Strip, the victims were 405 that included 157 bystanders and 248 targets."
A quarta parte se refere à maneira que as operações foram efetuadas: "The most notable tools are targeting by military aircraft, operations by under-cover units, ambushes and house sieges."
A quinta parte era constituída de fatos, como por exemplo "the extra-judicial execution targeting al-Hayya clan members in Gaza City on 20 May 2007 that resulted in the killing of eight victims, seven of them from the same family (including two children)" e "the targeting of al-Yazji family members on 16 January 2008 that killed three persons: two brothers and a child".
A última parte consistia de recomendações à comunidade internacional e aos assinantes da Quarta Convenção de Genebra: O PCHR solicitou "immediate intervention to put an end to Israeli war crimes and human rights violations and to pressure Israel to respect the provisions of the Fourth Geneva Convention (1949)" e "intervention to end Israeli extra-judicial executions that is considered a form of summary execution without trial". E também que os criminosos fossem julgados e punidos por seus crimes, e "for the provision of international protection for the civilian population of the OPT [Occupied Palestinian Territories] as the only means to prevent the recurrence of these crimes."
Ou seja, a intervenção das tropas de paz da ONU que Yasser Arafat passara anos pedindo sem ser atendido.
As execuções sumárias não parariam e nem os atos arbitrários.
Na segunda-feira, dia 07 de julho, por volta da 1:35, a IDF atacou vários prédios públicos na Cisjordânia: a Benevolent Solidarity Association, a Islamic School for Girls, o Benevolent Solidarity Club, a Solidarity Mosque, e o Solidarity Medical Center no bairro Rafedia no setor oeste de Nablus. Os soldados confiscaram equipamento médico, computadores, e deixaram ordem de fechamento das instituições socio-médico-educacionais por três anos.
No dia seguinte, a IDF voltou ao ataque depredando várias organizações sociais ligadas ao Hamas. Nos últimos dois anos, já fechara sete, alegando que as instituições sociais eram usadas para "finance terrorist organizations.” Em Nablus, Israel fechou o shopping center Nablus Mall (da Development, Investment, and Insurance Company), a Nafha Association for Prisoners’ Affairs, a Federation of Islamic Trade Unions, a Scientific Medical Association, a Yazour Benevolent Society, a Basma Association e o Graduates Cultural Forum.
A ordem assinada pelo comandante militar israelense da Cisjordânia Gadi Aluf, dizia: “Based on the jurisdiction granted to me under articles 120, 84, 129 of the Defense Regulations (State of Emergency) for the year 1945 … I hereby order the confiscation of all properties of Beit al-Mal Arab Palestinian, LTD that is also known as the Development, Investment, and Insurance Company, including the real estate known as the Nablus Commercial Center (Nablus Mall). Ownership of the property and all its equipment is directly transferred to the Israeli Defense Forces with immediate effect. The administration offices of the Nablus Commercial Center and all unrented property is closed for two years starting with the date of receiving this order. Any person wishing to object to this order can submit a written complaint through the Legal Advisor for Judia and Samaria within 14 days from receiving the order.”A quarta parte se refere à maneira que as operações foram efetuadas: "The most notable tools are targeting by military aircraft, operations by under-cover units, ambushes and house sieges."
A quinta parte era constituída de fatos, como por exemplo "the extra-judicial execution targeting al-Hayya clan members in Gaza City on 20 May 2007 that resulted in the killing of eight victims, seven of them from the same family (including two children)" e "the targeting of al-Yazji family members on 16 January 2008 that killed three persons: two brothers and a child".
A última parte consistia de recomendações à comunidade internacional e aos assinantes da Quarta Convenção de Genebra: O PCHR solicitou "immediate intervention to put an end to Israeli war crimes and human rights violations and to pressure Israel to respect the provisions of the Fourth Geneva Convention (1949)" e "intervention to end Israeli extra-judicial executions that is considered a form of summary execution without trial". E também que os criminosos fossem julgados e punidos por seus crimes, e "for the provision of international protection for the civilian population of the OPT [Occupied Palestinian Territories] as the only means to prevent the recurrence of these crimes."
Ou seja, a intervenção das tropas de paz da ONU que Yasser Arafat passara anos pedindo sem ser atendido.
Israel's extra judicial Executions
Na segunda-feira, dia 07 de julho, por volta da 1:35, a IDF atacou vários prédios públicos na Cisjordânia: a Benevolent Solidarity Association, a Islamic School for Girls, o Benevolent Solidarity Club, a Solidarity Mosque, e o Solidarity Medical Center no bairro Rafedia no setor oeste de Nablus. Os soldados confiscaram equipamento médico, computadores, e deixaram ordem de fechamento das instituições socio-médico-educacionais por três anos.
No dia seguinte, a IDF voltou ao ataque depredando várias organizações sociais ligadas ao Hamas. Nos últimos dois anos, já fechara sete, alegando que as instituições sociais eram usadas para "finance terrorist organizations.” Em Nablus, Israel fechou o shopping center Nablus Mall (da Development, Investment, and Insurance Company), a Nafha Association for Prisoners’ Affairs, a Federation of Islamic Trade Unions, a Scientific Medical Association, a Yazour Benevolent Society, a Basma Association e o Graduates Cultural Forum.
Na semana anterior, Ehud Barak assinara pessoalmente ordem de fechamento de 36 obras caritativas na Palestina inteira as declarando ilegais por serem ligadas à Zakat Federation "that collects money for Hamas". No dia 07 o Haaretz já soara o alarme: Israeli security forces will escalate their war on the Hamas infrastructure in the West Bank, and the military leadership plans to close a large number of associations and charities and confiscate their property, com o pretexto de serem ligadas ao Hamas., que diga-se de passagem, começou suas atividades justamente a serviço socio-médico-cultural.
Trocando em miúdos, a operação de depredação e fechamento dessas instituições visava apenas intimidar as famílias que ousassem recorrer à ajuda de serviços públicos do Hamas. OU seja, mais uma punição coletiva e roubo "legalizado".
AFP comenta visita de Barack Obama a Israel e Palestina no dia 23 de julho de 2008
Enquanto Israel continuava sua campanha de assassinatos e expandia sua ocupação e opressão na Cisjordânia, o mês de julho foi marcado pela visita do candidato democrata à presidência dos Estados Unidos, Barack Obama, em sua turnê por seis países estrangeiros. Na verdade, Israel é considerado por muitos como o 51° estado dos EUA e o motivo da visita não foi o mesmo dos países europeus, de reforçar seu fraco currículo internacional.
O candidato democrata deu um pulo em Ramallah, na Cisjordânia, para não desagradar seus eleitores progressistas, mas seu objetivo mesmo era agradar a AIPAC e conquistar o voto dos judeus sionistas durante as horas que passou em Israel.
E fez tudo o que tinha de fazer para agradar os fundamentalistas. Acendeu a flama no Yad Vashem Holocaust memorial, discursou na frente de uma pilha de foguetes artesanais que fora erguida em Sderot, botou a kipa na cabeça e postou-se solenemente no Muro das Lamentações em Jerusalém. A mensagem que queria passar era óbvia: I am committed to Israel’s security and to the ongoing strategic relationship between the US and the Jewish state.
Em Yad Vashem ele deixou uma coroa de flores e escreveu no livro de visitantes: “At a time of great peril and torment, war and strife, we are blessed to have such a powerful reminder of man’s potential for great evil, but also our capacity to rise up from tragedy and remake our world.”
Em Sderot, ele segurou uma camiseta “I [coração] Sderot,” com um foguete cortando o coração, e declarou: “If somebody was sending rockets into my house where my two daughters sleep at night, I’m going to do everything in my power to stop them, and I expect Israel to do the same thing.”
Em seu encontro com o presidente Shimon Peres - o lobo em pele de ovelha - Obama disse que sua viagem visava “to reaffirm the special relationship between Israel and the United States and my abiding commitment to Israel’s security, and my hope that I can serve as an effective partner, whether as a US senator or as a president.”
Obama encontrou e posou para as câmeras com vários líderes políticos, dentre eles o ministro da Defesa Ehud Barak e a ministra das Relações Exteriores Tzipi Livni com os quais subiu no helicóptero em direção de Sderot. Encontrou também o atual primeiro ministro Ehud Olmert, depois de conversar com o líder da oposição Binyamin Netanyahu, a fim de assegurar o apoio dos judeus radicais.
O candidato democrata achou que foi sutil em sua corte aos israelenses. Disse que nenhum dos políticos que encontrou “got any sense that I would be pressuring them to accept any kinds of concession that would put their security at stake.” Agradar Israel era importante, como disse Roni Bart, especialista em política externa estadunidense: “...there is a sizeable group (of Jewish voters) for whom the candidate’s position on Israel is the most important issue." Por incrível que pareça, para este grupo de judeus-sionistas, Israel é mais importante do que os problemas nacionais estadunidenses. É por isso que a IDF tinha e continuaria a ter tantos soldados "jihadistas" - estrangeiros que deixam suas pátrias para servir um exército estrangeiro em operações de ocupação e de massacre condenadas pelas leis internacionais.
Obama não deixou de ir a Ramallah onde encontrou Mahmoud Abbas e disse que would “not waste a minute” in engaging in Mideast peacemaking.
E Bart traduziu sua frase assim: “When Israeli leaders hear someone saying they are going to be ‘more engaged’ in peacemaking, they equate this, justifiably, with increased US pressure on Israel to make concessions,” acrescentando que “Obama is perceived more as a Carter-like president and McCain more as a Bush-like president. Between these two models, any Israeli prime minister will always prefer President Bush over President Carter.” Esta preferência era clara, mesmo Obama tendo recusado qualquer erimônia pública e discurso em Ramallah.
Os palestinos alimentavam esperanças em um futuro presidente de origem negra, de uma minoria humilhada e oprimida. O futuro provaria que Barack Obama não seria nem Carter nem Bush nem mesmo um Clinton especialista em "faz de conta".
A Reuters denunciou mais um ato arbitrario que Israel prometeu investigar... e depois, nada.
Transcript: Israeli military kills 10-year-old in Nilin. Flashpoint hosted by Nora Barrows Friedman.
Inside Story: Israeli Settlements (07/08-7')
"The Gaza Strip is a little bit more than two percent of Palestine. This small detail is never mentioned whenever the Strip is in the news nor has it been mentioned in the present Western media coverage of the dramatic events unfolding in Gaza in the last few weeks. Indeed it is such a small part of the country that it never existed as a separate region in the past. Gaza’s history before the Zionization of Palestine was not unique and it was always connected administratively and politically to the rest of Palestine. It was until 1948 for all intents and purposes an integral and natural part of the country. As one of Palestine's principal land and sea gates to the world, it tended to develop a more flexible and cosmopolitan way of life; not dissimilar to other gateways societies in the Eastern Mediterranean in the modern era. This location near the sea and on the Via Maris to Egypt and Lebanon brought with it prosperity and stability until this life was disrupted and nearly destroyed by the Israeli ethnic cleansing of Palestine in 1948.
O candidato democrata deu um pulo em Ramallah, na Cisjordânia, para não desagradar seus eleitores progressistas, mas seu objetivo mesmo era agradar a AIPAC e conquistar o voto dos judeus sionistas durante as horas que passou em Israel.
E fez tudo o que tinha de fazer para agradar os fundamentalistas. Acendeu a flama no Yad Vashem Holocaust memorial, discursou na frente de uma pilha de foguetes artesanais que fora erguida em Sderot, botou a kipa na cabeça e postou-se solenemente no Muro das Lamentações em Jerusalém. A mensagem que queria passar era óbvia: I am committed to Israel’s security and to the ongoing strategic relationship between the US and the Jewish state.
Em Yad Vashem ele deixou uma coroa de flores e escreveu no livro de visitantes: “At a time of great peril and torment, war and strife, we are blessed to have such a powerful reminder of man’s potential for great evil, but also our capacity to rise up from tragedy and remake our world.”
Em Sderot, ele segurou uma camiseta “I [coração] Sderot,” com um foguete cortando o coração, e declarou: “If somebody was sending rockets into my house where my two daughters sleep at night, I’m going to do everything in my power to stop them, and I expect Israel to do the same thing.”
Em seu encontro com o presidente Shimon Peres - o lobo em pele de ovelha - Obama disse que sua viagem visava “to reaffirm the special relationship between Israel and the United States and my abiding commitment to Israel’s security, and my hope that I can serve as an effective partner, whether as a US senator or as a president.”
Obama encontrou e posou para as câmeras com vários líderes políticos, dentre eles o ministro da Defesa Ehud Barak e a ministra das Relações Exteriores Tzipi Livni com os quais subiu no helicóptero em direção de Sderot. Encontrou também o atual primeiro ministro Ehud Olmert, depois de conversar com o líder da oposição Binyamin Netanyahu, a fim de assegurar o apoio dos judeus radicais.
O candidato democrata achou que foi sutil em sua corte aos israelenses. Disse que nenhum dos políticos que encontrou “got any sense that I would be pressuring them to accept any kinds of concession that would put their security at stake.” Agradar Israel era importante, como disse Roni Bart, especialista em política externa estadunidense: “...there is a sizeable group (of Jewish voters) for whom the candidate’s position on Israel is the most important issue." Por incrível que pareça, para este grupo de judeus-sionistas, Israel é mais importante do que os problemas nacionais estadunidenses. É por isso que a IDF tinha e continuaria a ter tantos soldados "jihadistas" - estrangeiros que deixam suas pátrias para servir um exército estrangeiro em operações de ocupação e de massacre condenadas pelas leis internacionais.
Obama não deixou de ir a Ramallah onde encontrou Mahmoud Abbas e disse que would “not waste a minute” in engaging in Mideast peacemaking.
E Bart traduziu sua frase assim: “When Israeli leaders hear someone saying they are going to be ‘more engaged’ in peacemaking, they equate this, justifiably, with increased US pressure on Israel to make concessions,” acrescentando que “Obama is perceived more as a Carter-like president and McCain more as a Bush-like president. Between these two models, any Israeli prime minister will always prefer President Bush over President Carter.” Esta preferência era clara, mesmo Obama tendo recusado qualquer erimônia pública e discurso em Ramallah.
Os palestinos alimentavam esperanças em um futuro presidente de origem negra, de uma minoria humilhada e oprimida. O futuro provaria que Barack Obama não seria nem Carter nem Bush nem mesmo um Clinton especialista em "faz de conta".
Press TV comenta a visita a Sderot
Eis como o criador do Electronic Intifada Ali Abunimah viu a visita do candidato democrata à presidência dos Estados Unidos: What Obama missed in the Middle East. 23/07
A Reuters denunciou mais um ato arbitrario que Israel prometeu investigar... e depois, nada.
Meanwhile, some real human beings were arriving in Gaza: Gaza we are coming!
E o ex-presidente dos Estados Unidos Jimmy Carter é obrigada a justificar seu encontro com o líder do Hamas, Khaled Meshaal, na Síria.
In between 1948 and 1967, Gaza became a huge refugee camp restricted severely by the respective Israeli and Egyptian policies: both states disallowed any movement out of the Strip. Living conditions were already harsh then as the victims of the 1948 Israeli politics of dispossession doubled the number of the inhabitants who lived there for centuries. On the eve of the Israeli occupation in 1967, the catastrophic nature of this enforced demographic transformation was evident all over the Strip. This once pastoral coastal part of southern Palesine became within two decades one of the world’s densest areas of habitation; without any adequate economic infrastructure to support it.
The first twenty years of Israeli occupation at least allowed some movement outside an area that was closed off as a war zone in the years 1948 to 1967. Tens of thousand of Palestinians were permitted to join the Israeli labor market as unskilled and underpaid workers. The price Israel demanded for this slavery market was a total surrender of any national struggle or agenda. When this was not complied with — the ‘gift’ of laborers’ movement was denied and abolished. All these years leading to the Oslo accord in 1993 were marked by an Israeli attempt to construct the Strip as an enclave, which the Peace Camp hoped would be either autonomous or part of Egypt and the Nationalist camp wished to include in the Greater Eretz Israel they dreamed of establishing instead of Palestine.
The Oslo agreement enabled the Israelis to reaffirm the Strip’s status as a separate geo-political entity — not just outside of Palestine as a whole, but also cut apart from the West Bank. Ostensibly, both the Gaza Strip and the West Bank were under the Palestinian Authority but any human movement between them depended on Israel’s good will; a rare Israeli trait and which almost disappeared when Benjamin Netanyahu came to power in 1996. Moreover, Israel held, as it still does today, the water and electricity infrastructure. Since 1993 it used, or rather abused, this possession in order to ensure on the one hand the well-being of the Jewish settler community there and on the other in order to blackmail the Palestinian population into submission and surrender. The people of the Gaza Strip thus vacillated in the last sixty years between being internees, hostages or prisoners in an impossible human space.
It is within this historical context that we should view the violence raging today in Gaza and reject the reference to the events there as a campaign in the ‘war against terror,’ an instance of Islamic revivalism, a further proof for al-Qadia's expansionism, a seditious Iranian penetration into this part of the world or another arena in the dreaded Clash of Civilizations (I picked here only few out of many frequent adjectives used in the Western media for describing the present crisis in Gaza). The origins of the mini civil war in Gaza lie elsewhere. The recent history of the Strip, 60 years of dispossession, occupation and imprisonment produced inevitably internal violence such as we are witnessing today as it produced other unpleasant features of life lived under such impossible conditions. In fact, it would be fair to say that the violence, and in particular the internal violence, is far less than one would have expected given the economic and social conditions created by the genocidal Israeli policies in the last six years.
Power struggles among politicians, who enjoy the support of military outfits, is indeed a nasty business that victimizes the society as a whole. Part of what goes on in Gaza is such a struggle between politicians who were democratically elected and those who still find it hard to accept the verdict of the public. But this is hardly the main struggle. What unfolds in Gaza is a battleground between America’s and Israel’s local proxies — most of whom are unintentionally such proxies but none the less they dance to Israel’s tune — and those who oppose it. The opposition that now took over Gaza did it alas in a way that one would find very hard to condone or cheer. It is not the Hamas’ Palestinian vision that is worrying, but rather the means it has chosen to achieve it that we hope would not be rooted or repeated. To its credit one should openly say that the means used by Hamas are part of an arsenal that enabled it in the past to be the only active force that at least tried to stop the total destruction of Palestine; the way it is used now is less credible and hopefully temporary.
But one cannot condemn the means if one does not offer an alternative. Standing idle while the American-Israeli vision of strangling the Strip to death, cleansing half of the West bank from its indigenous population and threatening the rest of the Palestinians — inside Israel and in the other parts of the West Bank — with transfer, is not an option. It is tantamount to “decent” people's silence during the Holocaust.
We should not tire from mentioning the alternative in the 21st century: BDS — Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions — as an emergency measure — far more effective and far less violent — in opposing the present destruction of Palestine. And at the same time talk openly, convincingly and efficiently, of creating the geography of peace. A geography in which abnormal phenomena such as the imprisonment of small portion of the land would disappear. There will be no more, in the vision we should push forward, a human prison camp called the Gaza strip where some armed inmates are easily pitted against each other by a callous warden. Instead that area would return to be an organic part of an Eastern Mediterranean country that has always offered the best as a meeting point between East and West.
Never before, in the light of the Gaza tragedy, has the twofold strategy of BDS and a one state solution, shined so clearly as the only alternative forward. If any of us are members in Palestine solidarity groups, Arab-Jewish dialogue circles or part of civil society’s effort to bring peace and reconciliation to Palestine — this is a time to put aside all the false strategies of coexistence, road maps and two states solutions. They have been and still are sweet music to the ears of the Israeli demolition team that threatens to destroy what is left of Palestine. Beware especially of Diet Zionists or Cloest Zionists, who recently joined the campaign, in Britain and elsewhere against the BDS effort. Like those enlightened pundits who used liberal organs in the United Kingdom, such as The Guardian, to explain to us at length how dangerous is the proposed academic boycott on Israel. They have never expended so much time, energy or words on the occupation itself as they did in the service of the ethnic cleansing of Palestine. UNISON, Britain's large public service trade union, must not be deterred by this backlash and it should follow these brave academics who endorsed the debate on the boycott, as should Europe as a whole: not only for the sake of Palestine and Israel, but also if it wishes to bring a closure to the Holocaust chapter in its history.
And a final small portion of food for thought. There are quite a few Jewish mothers and wives in the Gaza Strip — some sources within Gaza say up to 2000 — married to local Palestinians and parents to their children. There are many more Jewish women who married Palestinians in the Palestine countryside. An act of desegregation that both political elites find difficult to admit, digest or acknowledge. If despite the colonization, occupation, genocidal policies and dispossession such harmonies of love and affection were possible, imagine what could happen if these criminal policies and ideologies would disappear. When the Wall of Apartheid is removed and the electric fences of Zionism dismantled — Gaza will become once more a symbol of Fernand Braudel’s coastal society, able to fuse different cultural horizons and offer a space for new life instead of the war zone it has become in the last sixty years."
Ilan Pappe is senior lecturer in the University of Haifa Department of political Science and Chair of the Emil Touma Institute for Palestinian Studies in Haifa. His books include, among others, The Making of the Arab-Israeli Conflict (London and New York 1992), The Israel/Palestine Question (London and New York 1999), A History of Modern Palestine (Cambridge 2003), The Modern Middle East (London and New York 2005) and his latest, Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine (2006). 17/06/08
Ilan Pappe on June 6th, the anniversary of 41 years of occupation
Reservista da IDF, forças israelenses de ocupação,
Shovrim Shtika - Breaking the Silence
Eran II
International Solidarity Movement : http://palsolidarity.org/join/
Eran II
NEWS Breaking the Silence
Fascistas israelenses difamam dirigentes do Breaking the Silence: Im Tirtzu and the proto-fascist plot to destroy Israeli democracy. The group’s video portraying human rights activists as terrorist-supporting traitors is a symptom of a rapidly spreading, potentially terminal disease. Chemi Shalev.
Breaking the Silence Is Indispensable to Israeli Democracy. Instead of giving in to incitement and violence, police must do their duty to protect the organization. read more ›
Why do so many Israelis hate Breaking the Silence? The organization of former Israeli soldiers is coming under attack from every direction these days — from the Israel’s president to the defense minister to the police. So what’s the deal? read more ›
* Martha Gellhorn was one of the most experienced and distinguished journalists of the 20th century. In the 1930s she travelled across the US for the Roosevelt administration reporting on the effects of the Depression. Later she used her research for 'The Trouble I’ve Seen', a book of four novellas about the American poor. With world war looming, she chronicled the rise of fascism in Europe for Collier’s magazine: her reports on the Spanish Civil War are among the best dispatches from Spain at the time. After 1939 she covered several key military confrontations in Western Europe, including Monte Cassino and the Battle of the Bulge. In June 1944, she stowed away on a hospital ship to report on the D-Day landings and entered Dachau with American troops in May 1945. In 1966 she covered the war in Vietnam with a series of six dispatches for The Guardian. The authorities later refused her accreditation to work in South Vietnam. In the 1980s she travelled in Central America, writing about the wars in El Salvador and Nicaragua. A few years later she published a report from Panama in the wake of the US invasion. Her last long piece of reportage, written shortly before she died, was about street children in Brazil. She was the author of several novels and collections of short stories. Her war reportage can be read in 'The Face of War. The View from the Ground', a collection of her other journalism, was published in 1988.
The 2014 Martha Gellhorn Prize was won by Iona Craig. A freelance journalist reporting from Yemen, Iona Craig received the prize for her courageous, insightful and humane reporting from Yemen — journalism exemplifying that of Martha Gellhorn herself. Often alone, and risking her life, Iona has for almost four years given voice to the ordinary people of Yemen, especially the families of the victims of America's 'war on terror'. Her eyewitness investigation of a drone attack on a travelling wedding party, in which 12 people were killed, is truly a 'view from the ground' and rare evidence of the 'unpalatable truth' that Barack Obama's worldwide 'war by drone' is killing the innocent. Her achievement is set against a record number of entries for the Prize, including remarkable journalism from across the English-speaking world.
In 2013 the prize was won by Chris Woods, Alice Ross and Jack Serle of the Bureau of Investigative Journalism in London for their research into Barack Obama’s drone wars and their consequences for civilians. In 2012 it went to the US journalist and policy analyst Gareth Porter. In addition to the main 2011 prize, won by Julian Assange for WikiLeaks, special awards were made to Jonathan Cook, based in Nazareth, for his work on the Middle East, to Charles Clover of The Financial Times and to Umar Cheema of The News International website in Pakistan for his fearless exposure of government corruption.
Previous winners include: Ian Cobain (The Guardian); Dahr Jamail, an independent journalist, and Mohammed Omer (Washington Report on Middle East Affairs); Hala Jaber (Sunday Times); Michael Tierney (Glasgow Herald); Johann Hari (The Independent); Robert Fisk (The Independent); Ghaith Abdul Ahad (The Guardian); Patrick Cockburn (The Independent); Chris McGreal (The Guardian); Geoffrey Lean (The Independent); Nick Davies (The Guardian). Additional awards for distinguished work over many years in the service of journalism were made to Marie Colvin (Sunday Times) and Jonathan Steele (The Guardian).
Their excellent journalistic work can be followed on the WEB.
NEWS Palestine
The 2014 Martha Gellhorn Prize was won by Iona Craig. A freelance journalist reporting from Yemen, Iona Craig received the prize for her courageous, insightful and humane reporting from Yemen — journalism exemplifying that of Martha Gellhorn herself. Often alone, and risking her life, Iona has for almost four years given voice to the ordinary people of Yemen, especially the families of the victims of America's 'war on terror'. Her eyewitness investigation of a drone attack on a travelling wedding party, in which 12 people were killed, is truly a 'view from the ground' and rare evidence of the 'unpalatable truth' that Barack Obama's worldwide 'war by drone' is killing the innocent. Her achievement is set against a record number of entries for the Prize, including remarkable journalism from across the English-speaking world.
In 2013 the prize was won by Chris Woods, Alice Ross and Jack Serle of the Bureau of Investigative Journalism in London for their research into Barack Obama’s drone wars and their consequences for civilians. In 2012 it went to the US journalist and policy analyst Gareth Porter. In addition to the main 2011 prize, won by Julian Assange for WikiLeaks, special awards were made to Jonathan Cook, based in Nazareth, for his work on the Middle East, to Charles Clover of The Financial Times and to Umar Cheema of The News International website in Pakistan for his fearless exposure of government corruption.
Previous winners include: Ian Cobain (The Guardian); Dahr Jamail, an independent journalist, and Mohammed Omer (Washington Report on Middle East Affairs); Hala Jaber (Sunday Times); Michael Tierney (Glasgow Herald); Johann Hari (The Independent); Robert Fisk (The Independent); Ghaith Abdul Ahad (The Guardian); Patrick Cockburn (The Independent); Chris McGreal (The Guardian); Geoffrey Lean (The Independent); Nick Davies (The Guardian). Additional awards for distinguished work over many years in the service of journalism were made to Marie Colvin (Sunday Times) and Jonathan Steele (The Guardian).
Their excellent journalistic work can be followed on the WEB.
Documentário de John Pilger, 1983: The Outsiders - Martha Gellhorn. (26')
NEWS Palestine
In Hebron 'even the kids have numbers'. Allison Deger.
Palestinian families hope for justice at ICC. Creede Newton.
The ‘neo-Palestinians’
Palestinian families hope for justice at ICC. Creede Newton.
The ‘neo-Palestinians’
Under guard of Israeli soldiers, settlers blast "Muhammad is dead" song at Palestinians
To understand what 'to neutralize' means, look at this broken Palestinian man. A young Palestinian participates in a tumultuous demonstration, Israeli undercover men knock him to the ground and shoot him point-blank. The result: Mohammed Ziada, 19, is partly paralyzed and wheelchair-bound.
When the IDF doesn't pursue justice, the cycle of death continues. The High Court has instructed the IDF to try two soldiers who were involved in an incident three years ago in which a teenager was killed in the West Bank. Last Friday, soldiers killed a young man from the same village under strikingly similar circumstances.
What drove a popular Palestinian girl to attempt a stabbing attack? A Palestinian teen who tried to stab an Israeli woman in the West Bank was run over and shot to death. Her father, imam of the refugee camp where she grew up, says his daughter was 'responding to the occupation.'
Demolished, rebuilt and razed again: A Bedouin community left without shelter. Israeli officials visit the tiny Jordan Valley village of Al Hadidya almost daily to destroy anything that can be used as protection against the cold - including tents donated by relief organizations.
Artigos do Gideon Levy no Haaretz;
What diplomatic freeze? Things are boiling in Israel and Palestine. There hasn’t been a single day when things have been frozen here, diplomatically or otherwise, for at least 20 years. And there won’t be – not while the occupation continues.To understand what 'to neutralize' means, look at this broken Palestinian man. A young Palestinian participates in a tumultuous demonstration, Israeli undercover men knock him to the ground and shoot him point-blank. The result: Mohammed Ziada, 19, is partly paralyzed and wheelchair-bound.
When the IDF doesn't pursue justice, the cycle of death continues. The High Court has instructed the IDF to try two soldiers who were involved in an incident three years ago in which a teenager was killed in the West Bank. Last Friday, soldiers killed a young man from the same village under strikingly similar circumstances.
What drove a popular Palestinian girl to attempt a stabbing attack? A Palestinian teen who tried to stab an Israeli woman in the West Bank was run over and shot to death. Her father, imam of the refugee camp where she grew up, says his daughter was 'responding to the occupation.'
Demolished, rebuilt and razed again: A Bedouin community left without shelter. Israeli officials visit the tiny Jordan Valley village of Al Hadidya almost daily to destroy anything that can be used as protection against the cold - including tents donated by relief organizations.
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