Rogue IDF : O. Protective Edge 2014

From July 08 to August 26, I will recall, everyday, Israel's Operation Protective Edge on the Gaza Strip in 2014.
In this endeavour, I must begin today by the following brief recapitulation of the Palestinians' calvary in the Gaza Strip. Only since 2005.

In 2005, general Ariel Sharon implemented his unilateral Disengagement Plan explaining that "it will improve Israel's security and economy and will reduce friction and tension between Israelis and Palestinians". Jewish colons/settlers and Israeli troops withdew from the Gaza Strip over the course of that year, with the majority making their way out of the territory in august and transferring to the West Bank... Israel retained control over Gaza's borders, airspace and territorial waters.
At the time, what the general Bulldozer called "friction" had caused the deaths of 40 Isareli (soldiers and colons) and 643 Palestinians.
Between 2006 and 2007, 2 Israelis were killed and 124 Gazans.
Cumulative deaths until 2008: 42 Israelis and 767 Gazans.

In 2006, in November, as the US was preparing for the Presidential Election, Prime Minister Ariel Sharon lauched Operation Autumn Clouds, killing 126 Gazans - 29 minors.

In 2008, from February 27 to March 03, Prime Minister Ehud Olmert launched Operation Warm Winter, leaving behind 110 Palestinians dead. (Blog 07/06/15)   

In 2008, as the Western World was enjoying Christmas' and New Eve's celebrations, Israeli prime minister Ehud Olmert launched on December 27, Operation Cast Lead with a widespread aerial bombing campaign, targeting more than 100 locations in the densely-populated Gaza Strip, including residential homes, plice stations, schools, United Nations buildings, and hospitals. An Israeli ground assault was launched on January 3, 2009. During the operation, Israeli forces fired shells containing white phosphorus, an illegal chemical weapon that burns indiscriminately. The Operation ended in a unilateral Israeli-declared ceasefire on January 18, under International pressure. The Press was forbidden to enter the Gaza Strip during the whole operation.
13 Israelis were dead - 3 civilians and 10 soldiers (at least 4 from friendly fire) and 518 wounded.
1391 Palestinians were killed - 318 minors, and 5.300 were wounded - 350 with serious injuries. 11.154 houses were destroyed or demolished.
Cumulative Deaths until then: 55 Israelis; 2158 Gazans.
After the ceasefire came into effect, Hamas gave Israel a week to pull its troops out of the territory. Israel's land, air and water blockade of the Gaza Strip continued, however. Meanwhile, Egypt, then under Hosni Mubarak's rule, came under criticism for not opening the Rafah crossing, the only point of access to Gaza that does not go through Israel.
Ehud Olmert declared: "Israel embarked n Operation Cast Lead not as a firts coption but as a last resort, after we tried all other ways and options to bring quiet to the communities in the south". Omitting that the occupation and the blockade were the reasons for the disquietness.
Khaled Meshaal, the leader of Hamas, declared: "None of the atrocities committed against our schools, universities, mosques, ministries, and civil infrastructure will deter us in the pursuit of our national right. Undoubtedly, Israel can demolish every building in the Gaza Strip but it will never shatter our determination or steadfastness to live in dignity on our land.
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Between 2009 and 2012, 6 Israelis were killed and 174 Gazans.

In 2012, Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu launched Operation Pillar of Defense.
On November 14, 2012, Israel executed Ahmed Jabari, chief of Hamas' military wing in Gaza, in a targetted air strike on his car in Gaza city in order to get a response from Hamas and it responded by firing a barrage of rockets at nearby Israeli towns, which was exactly what Israel expected to embark on a long planned eght-day militay offensive on Gaza.
6 Israelis were killed - 4 civilians, and 239 were wounded - 219 civilians.
171 Palestinians were killed - 101 civilians, and more than a thousand Palestinians were wounded - 971 civilians.
Palestinian resistance fired: 765 homemade rockets, 741 long range Grad-rockets, 135 mortar-shells.
Israel conducted: 1500 air strikes, 7 navy strikes, 360 mortar shells strikes.
Cumulative deaths: 61 Israelis; 2332 Gazans.

Afterwards, in March 2013, the US, Israel and the Palestinian Authority negotiated a deal to re'start stalled peace talks. The negotiations were given a deadline of April 2014.
Israeli officials promised to freeze settlement construction and realease 104 Palestinian prisoners, including 14 Palestinian citizens of Israel that have been in jail since before the Oslo Accords agreement was signed in 1993. They failed to fullfil both promises. Nevertheless, willing to reach a State and peace, after Israeli-Palestinian peace negotiations stalled once again, Fatah moved towards reconciliations with Hamas in Gaza, and the two factions formed a Palestinian consensus government in early June.
In rage with the reconciliation, Israel blamed Hamas for the June 12 kidnapping of three teenage colons in the occupied West Bank, knowing that it was a false statement, and after the bodies were "found" on July 1, said that Hamas "will pay" for their deaths.
Israel's long planned Operation Protective Edge was launched on July 8, 2014, at dawn, on the last days of the Football World Cup, with extensive air raids and artillery strikes on the Gaza Strip, Palestine.
On July 17, the Israeli military, profiting from the diversion of media's attention to a plane crash in Ukraine, launched a ground invasion saying it aimed to stop rocket fire and destroy tunnels leading into Israel.
Several ceasefires did not succeed in stopping the fighting, which spurred as much as one quarter of Gaza's population to flee their homes.
To further information on the subjet, see the series of articles: Rogue State of Israel, published in 2014.

Na madrugada do dia 08 de julho de 2014, enquanto o planeta inteiro estava focado no Brasil e na Copa do Mundo, como em 2006 no Líbano, Israel protagonizou outra carnificina no processo de limpeza étnica da Palestina. Esta foi na Faixa de Gaza* e foi chamada Operation Protective Edge.
Dos dias 08 de julho ao dia 26 de agosto vou lembrar com vídeos, depoimentos ou/e comentários sucintos cada dia do martírio dos gazauís durante essa operação destrutiva. Será minha homenagem a suas vítimas de então e às que continuam sobrevivendo como podem em sua prisão. Pois os mortos não se resumem às centenas que perderam a vida explodidos por bomba ou baleados, há os que morrem dia a dia por causa do bloqueio ilegal e desumano que os gazauís sofriam e continuam sofrendo, apesar das promessas israelenses no acordo de cessar-fogo.
Estas vítimas vivas são as milhares de famílias que perderam tudo o que possuíam durante os bombardeios e a investida dos tanques e tratores armados. Residências, móveis, roupas, lavouras, rebanho, lojas, fábricas, cinemas, teatros, escolas, universidades, repartições públicas, postos de saúde, ambulâncias, saneamento, usina elétrica, enfim, a infra-estrutura privada e pública que garante a vida de uma comunidade.
Até hoje Israel não foi investigado, apesar do Tribunal Russel para a Palestina ter fornecido depoimentos irrefutáveis de culpabilidade assim como os jornalistas que testemunharam as barbaridades que a IDF cometeu em toda a extensão da Faixa.
É por isso que resolvi "comemorar" este acontecimento deplorável apelando para a memória. Estou cansada de Israel destruir a Faixa de dois em dois anos, manter os gazauís nesta prisão cercada por terra, mar e ar, matando-os paulatinamente com água semi-semi-potável, o mundo reclamar quando a grande mídia comentar e depois esquecer quando a televisão para de mostrar imagens insuportáveis.
O problema continua. O cessar-fogo não mudou nada. O presídio a céu aberto está pior do que antes porque o inverno foi rigoroso e causou até morte de crianças desabrigadas. Os pescadores continuam proibidos de pescar, continuam sendo agredidos diariamente, continuam sendo presos quando bem apraz à IDF que aliás continua a bombardear a Faixa de maneira intermitente, aqui e acolá, sem chamar a atenção da mídia estrangeira acostumada com isso; os gazauís continuam proibidos de sair da Faixa e médicos estrangeiros de peso como o norueguês Mads Gilbert continuam proibidos de entrar para ajudar a tratar das crianças feridas.
Trocando em miúdos, Israel não cumpriu a palavra, como de praxe, e não sofreu nenhuma punição ou nem mesmo reprimenda por sua atividades ilegais, sua crueldade e seus crimes incontáveis, dentre eles, sua política de limpeza étnica inexorável.
A situação na Cisjordânia também continua insustentável.
Vou pontuar o aniversário fatídico com depoimentos visuais e escritos publicados pela Breaking the Silence. Vale resssaltar que os depoimentos desta ONG israelense composta de reservistas da IDF que sofrem com sua consciência são apenas a ponta visível do iceberg.
Que fique claro que o tratamento que a IDF inflinge aos palestinos na Faixa de Gaza embora seja mais brutal no conjunto, não difere, em objetivo, no que a IOF (Israeli Occupation Forces) inflinge aos palestinos na Cisjordânia. Ali, as forças de ocupação são igualmente inclementes, os colonos judeus viram (ou já sã?) bestas ferozes quando lidam com os nativos de quem roubam as terras e Israel continua a surrupiar os recursos naturais palestinos privando-os de água e das terras férteis do vale do Jordão, onde desapropriam famílias palestinas enraizadas lá há séculos, quando não milênios, como em Jerusalém e Hebron.
Esta maratona de 50 dias é para lembrar que os palestinos existem e que a Operation Protective Edge continua de maneira anônima. Só atinjo umas 100 mil pessoas aqui, mas se uma falar com outra e mais outra, quem sabe, juntos, mudamos o estado atual das coisas?
É a indignação invidividual que leva à indignação coletiva que leva à pressão sobre os órgãos nacionais e internacionais que têm de tomar providências para resolver este problema simples. Simples porque basta aplicar as leis que existem e garantir aos palestinos o que lhes é devido.
Este recapitulativo complementa a série de arquivos de 2014 Rogue State of Israel.
Abaixo, a apresentação do Breaking the Silence dos depoimentos que você lerá nos próximos dias. Em inglês porque a maioria dos meus leitores, infelizmente, são estrangeiros e morro de medo de tradução google.

Abby Martin Breaking the Set - 01/2015

* Tamanho da Faixa de Gaza: 41 km de comprimento por 6 e 12 km de largura = 360 km², menos 1/3 de buffer zone, interditados.
Para dar uma ideia da densidade populacional da Faixa, Palmas, a menor capital do Brasil, tem 265.400 habitantes em uma área de 2.219 km²; NYC tem 8.33 milhões, em 786 km².
As cidades em Gaza são praticamente coladas, como as áreas metropolitanas de qualquer capital brasileira.
Como escapar de bombardeio?

Al J: How Gazans fought back

Recomendo dois livros sobre a Operation Protective Edge na Faixa de Gaza. O primeiro Night in Gaza do médico norueguês Mads Gilbert. O segundo Method and Madness do cientista político estadunidense Norman Finkelstein.
Abaixo, a apresentação que o Guardian fez do livro de Mads.
Amid a dense jumble of chaotic streets and overcrowded appartment buildings not far from the seafront, the Shifa hospital is in many ways the beating heart of Gaza. Like any hospital, it is a place of life and death, relief and agony, hope and despair.
But the Shifa is more remarkable than most. Over the past 10 years, it has dealt with four intense conflicts, and since 2007 has endured a blockade that has led to shortages of drugs and equipment, regular power crises and the near-impossibility of medical staff leaving Gaza to train, widen their experience or attend conferences. The Shifa is a hospital under siege.
During last summer’s Israeli Operation Protective Edge in Gaza, as on previous occasions, the dead and injured were brought to the Shifa day and night during seven weeks of bombardment by Israeli forces. Palestinian medics often worked for 30 hours at a stretch, snatching short breaks then returning to duty. Among them was Dr Mads Gilbert, a Norwegian anaesthetist and trauma expert – and a veteran of wars in Gaza.
Gilbert – who describes himself as a “political doctor” and a practitioner of “solidarity medicine” – has written a book, Night in Gaza, which describes his time at the Shifa last summer. “It’s a place of human greatness, suffering and endurance – and an almost incomprehensible mastering of a situation that seems overwhelming, impossible to deal with. Yet they [the medical staff] stand tall, don’t reject a single patient, do phenomenal, very complicated surgery with a high level of professionalism,” he said.
When mass casualties were brought in, the first job of the medics was to take difficult decisions. “Triage is extremely efficient, but it’s brutal,” he said. “You have to let the dying die.” It was a marked contrast to hospitals in Norway, where medical resources would be thrown at patients with limited expectation of survival. Despite the harsh conditions at the Shifa, and the constant fear among the medics that they could find themselves treating their own relatives, they performed “world-class war surgery under world-class leadership”.
Gilbert is something of a hero to Palestinian sympathisers. Close to 1,000 tickets to a talk he gave last week in London sold out in four hours. But, inevitably, in the binary world of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, he is feted by one side and abhorred by the other.
Like many of his generation – he is 68 – he was a late convert to the Palestinian cause. “I was brought up with the Zionist narrative. My mother was quite radical; she was a nurse, and she told me so much about Israel, how they made the desert bloom, about the kibbutz system, which was a semi-socialist experiment.”
During the 1967 six-day war between Israel and its arab neighbours, Gilbert responded to an appeal for young foreigners to go to work on kibbutzim to replace Israelis fighting in the conflict. The day he was accepted, he had a shocking conversation that changed his view. “It was the first time I had even heard about the Palestinians.” He cancelled his trip to Israel.
Fifteen years later, he volunteered as a medic in Lebanon, which Israel had invaded. “I had my first war victims, and the totally shocking experience of the mercilessness of the Israeli war machine.” Although he has since worked as a medical volunteer in many places, including Cambodia, Burma, Afghanistan and Angola, “Palestine has always been at the core.”
In Night in Gaza, Gilbert repeatedly refers to the might and brutality of the Israeli military, but does not mention rockets fired by Hamas and other militant groups. Asked about this, Gilbert quotes from the book’s preface, in which he states he does not support Hamas or Fatah (the two main Palestinian factions), but the Palestinian people: “I want to be crystal-clear about this – I condemn any Palestinian attack on any civilian target, period. If one Israeli child is killed, it is one too many. But nor should more than 550 Palestinian children be killed.”A self-confessed “socialist, Marxist – and human being”, Gilbert draws a clear distinction between anti-Zionism and antisemitism. “I’m a strong anti-racist, there is not a milligram of antisemitism in me. But I oppose apartheid and colonialism.” This is “not a difficult conflict, it is an illegal occupation – it continues, it expands and it costs thousands of innocent Palestinian lives. These people have the right to defend themselves, the right to resist. The right to resist implies also the right to resist with arms, if you’re occupied.”
He also rejects claims by the Israeli government that the Shifa was used as a base by Hamas officials and militants in the knowledge that Israel would not attack the hospital. Gilbert points out that a number of hospitals and medical facilities were in fact shelled by Israel during last summer’s war, and that Hamas won free and fair elections in 2006: “I have never seen any activities in the Shifa that would violate the Geneva conventions. But I didn’t explore every corner of the large hospital compound. If I saw anything inside the Shifa that in my opinion violated the Geneva conventions and, should I say, the ‘holiness’ of a hospital, I would have left.”
The book contains dozens of harrowing photographs, many of badly injured children, taken by Gilbert during his stay in Gaza last summer, although the most graphic were excluded. He describes his camera as “my Kalashnikov”, saying that this kind of medical documentation of war is a powerful weapon – and one that is feared by Israel.
This, he believes, contributed to Israel’s “Kafkaesque” decision to ban him indefinitely from Gaza last October for unspecified security reasons. “They don’t even explain why. It is non-appealable, totally irrespective of international opinion and totally against international law. It is a tiny taste of what it means to be under brutal Israeli rule.” Nevertheless, after 15 years of visiting Gaza, he intends to go back.
His experiences in Gaza “have totally changed me as a human being”, he says. “The more I see and know, the more I become skinless, sensitive. The human condition affects me more and more.” He has been forced to develop coping mechanisms – what he calls “perceptual focus to shield out the worst stuff” – for dealing with so much physical and emotional trauma. “You have to be very well prepared; this is not a place for disaster tourism. We didn’t sleep much, we didn’t eat or drink [the war began during Ramadan, the month of fasting for Muslims] – it was extreme endurance.”
But, he adds, he witnessed an extraordinary “consolidated unity. Medics, cleaners, ambulance crews, patients, families – they were all part of the resistance.” For Gilbert, showing solidarity is his duty as a doctor. “I’m not neutral. My obligation as a doctor is to take the side of my patient – be it a single patient, a family, a village, a community, a nation. In Gaza, if we only give them bandages, we become part of the problem. If you want to be neutral, you end up being part of the problem. We are all complicit, whether we shut up or stand up.”
‘The unbearable sound of children shrieking’
The mood is tense. Everybody is ready to run and meet the next load of casualties.
The entrance to the emergency department soon fills with stretchers and running ambulance crews. The area begins to swarm with civilians, with and without visible injuries, policemen in blue camouflage uniforms pushing journalists and cameramen out of the way, while medical workers flock around the newly arrived patients. The air is a cacophony of shouts, screams and sharp commands from the senior surgeon in charge of sorting the casualties. Loudest and most piercing is the unbearable sound of children shrieking.
Two young boys, one aged two or three and the other maybe seven, are lying on a stretcher. They have visible burn injuries and a large number of small, black wounds on their faces and necks, some of them bloody, like traces of shrapnel. Dr Atta al-Mzainy looks at me sharply.
“We’ve got to take them to the intensive burn care unit. Straight away,” he shouts. “We can take one each. You take the younger one.”
“OK,” I answer, my heart pounding. Everything is collapsing around us now, I think to myself. The bombing throughout the night, the number of casualties; it all feels like a tidal wave of blood and screams. Insurmountable …As I run, I look down at the little boy. His hair is singed on large areas of his head. The skin is loose on his forehead and across the root of his nose. His eyelids are thick and swollen, but his eyes are open, staring out at the world with a wild expression. He has a deep cut above his left eye, and blood is coming from his ear on the same side. Does he have shrapnel inside his skull, or is it a flesh wound? His consciousness is not impaired; quite the opposite. I notice that his arms and legs are constantly moving as I run behind my colleague, terrified of tripping and dropping the boy on the tarmac.
The Israeli drones buzz above us. Can nobody stop this nightmare?
Extracted from Night in Gaza by Mads Gilbert (£16, Skyscraper Publications). To order a copy for £12.80, go to bookshop.theguardian.

Norman Finkelstein's book: “METHOD AND MADNESS: The hidden story of Israel’s assaults on Gaza”

Gunning for destruction in Gaza: ‘You want to see people in pieces’. 
By Natasha Roth, 04/05/15

NEWS: Na semana passada, a Autoridade Palestina prendeu dezenas de simpatizantes e membros do Hamas na Cisjordânia. O boato é que foi sob demanda de Estados Unidos e Israel. Pelo jeito, Mahmoud Abbas dobrou-se às exigências estrangeiras uma vez mais.

"...Five years ago, several boats tried to reach Gaza, as a symbolic act of support for the beleaguered enclave, and were let through by the Israeli navy. No one mentioned them again.

Then there came the "Turkish flotilla". Several boats were led by the larger Turkish vessel Mavi Marmara, with hundreds of Turkish and international peace activists on board. This time, Netanyahu and his minions were determined to show the world that Israel rules the waves. He ordered an attack on the flotilla.

Israeli naval commandos were lowered onto the deck of the Marmara from a helicopter, and in the ensuing mêlée nine Turks (one of them also an American citizen) were killed. A tenth died later from his wounds. All of them were unarmed but resisted violently.

The other boats were captured without violent resistance. All were brought to Ashdod harbor.

The international reaction was immense. For many, the Marmara became a symbol of Israeli brutality. The propaganda catastrophe compelled Netanyahu to release all the imprisoned activists and crew and send them on their way home.

Altogether, what could have been a negligible incident, soon forgotten, turned into a great victory for the activists. The entire world paid attention. The Gaza blockade became the center of international interest.

Even worse were the political consequences. Turkey became an enemy.

For many years, Turkey – and especially the Turkish armed forces - had been a staunch ally of Israel. Secret relations between the two non-Arab Middle Eastern powers were woven. During the reign of David Ben-Gurion, a "peripheral theory" became the cornerstone of Israel's regional policy. Accordingly, Israel established an unofficial alliance with the non-Arab states that surround the Arab world: Kemalist Turkey, the Shah's Iran, Ethiopia, Chad and so on.

Israel sold arms to the Turks. Joint army maneuvers were held. Eventually open diplomatic relations were established.

All this came to an end with the Marmara affair (except the military part, which continues in secret). Emotions were aroused. Turkish public opinion reacted with fury. Israel refused to pay the high indemnities demanded for the bereaved families. (Negotiations about them are still going on.)

Recep Tayyip Erdogan, an adroit politician, exploited the incident in order to change fronts and reestablish Turkish influence in the Arab countries which had belonged to the late Ottoman Empire.

What did Israel gain from this incident? Nothing.

Did the Israeli government draw any conclusions from this debacle?

How could they? For them it was not a debacle at all, but rather an admirable demonstration of Israeli prowess and determination. This week's incident was the inevitable outcome. More will follow.

In order to weigh up the results of a hostile encounter, one has to ask what each side wanted to achieve.

The organizers of the flotillas wanted to stage a provocation, in order to draw the world's attention to the pernicious blockade. From their point of view, the Israeli reaction serves their purpose admirably.

Netanyahu wants to keep the blockade going, drawing as little attention to it as possible. From this point of view, the attacks are counterproductive. In short, they are stupid.

The main question is, of course: Why, for God's sake, is there a blockade at all? What purpose does it serve?

Officially, the purpose is to prevent weapons reaching the Gaza strip, so as to prevent Hamas from attacking Israel.

If so, why cause the whole drama? Boats sailing to Gaza, purportedly to supply it with medicines and food, can be searched by mutual agreement in their harbors of departure. The organizers cannot object to this without arousing suspicion.

Alternatively, the boats can be stopped on the high seas, searched and released. Such a procedure is quite usual.

The Israeli government has rejected these possibilities, thereby raising the suspicion that the purpose of the blockade is quite different. It is to prevent any supplies from reaching Gaza in order to keep the overcrowded territory totally dependent on supplies coming from Israel, which lets through only the bare necessities of life.

The hidden purpose is to let the 1.8 million inhabitants, the majority descendents of refugees from Israel, vegetate on the brink of starvation, in order to induce them to rise up and overthrow the Hamas authorities. If so, it has been a miserable failure. On the contrary, under the cruel pressure, the inhabitants seem to draw ever closer to Hamas. After all, Hamas is not a foreign invader, but the brothers and sons of the inhabitants.

Leaving aside the question whether the blockade is legal under international law, it certainly has not fulfilled its promise. The rule of Hamas in Gaza seems to be as solid as ever.

This being so, one might raise the opposite option. Why not lift the blockade altogether? (Gasp!)

I can imagine a situation of open borders and open sea. Food, medicines, building materials and everything else, except arms, flowing into the Strip from all directions – by sea and by land from Egypt and Israel.

Why not let the Gazans build a harbor or obtain a floating harbor? Why not let them reactivate their airport? The beautiful building they once built near Dahaniya was destroyed by our armed forces. Why not build it again?

Simple logic dictates that the more the people of Gaza have to lose, the less will they be inclined to provoke another war. If we really want quiet and tranquility, that is the way.

Yes, but what about arms? Establish strict supervision by international inspectors. That has been done before in history. No problem.

Behind the tactical stupidity of this whole affair there lurks a much larger strategic stupidity.

The air of the Middle East is full of rumors about an ongoing secret effort to forge an Israel-Hamas armistice, even a kind of alliance.

This is based on the disinclination of the Israeli government to re-conquer the Gaza strip, with its 1.8 million Palestinian Arabs. It's not only a problem of security – a guerrilla war by Hamas would be certain – but something much worse. What really frightens all Israeli governments, right and left, is demography. 1.8 million more Arabs, multiplying all the time? A nightmare for Zionists!

In all the dreams about the annexation of the West Bank, the Gaza Strip is always left outside. True, it is geographically and historically part of "Eretz Israel", but who wants it? To hell with it!

Our present government, composed of extreme right-wingers, wants to eventually annex the West Bank, with as few Arab Palestinians as possible. Because of this, Mahmoud Abbas (Abu Mazen) is a far more dangerous enemy of Netanyahu and his ilk than Hamas. Abbas attracts international recognition. He enjoys growing UN and US support.

By this logic, Netanyahu could be expected to fight Abbas and support Hamas in creating a separate mini-state in Gaza. But he behaves like a child who has to choose between two sweets: he wants both.

So he tries to undermine Abbas while at the same time fighting his glorious battles on the high seas against Hamas. But he is also engaged in secret negotiations with his new friends, Saudi Arabia and Egypt, in order to forge a long-term armistice ("hudna") with Hamas.

Complicated? Indeed..."

Uri Avnery - 04/07/2015

Israel Seizes Freedom Flotilla Boat Bound for Gaza