Meet Naftali Bennet
Israel’s prospective “change government” is a coalition of
unlikely partners with only one goal in mind – changing the country’s prime
minister. But will ousting Benjamin Netanyahu from power lead to positive
change in Israel, or for that matter Palestine?
The long journey that led to the formation of this motley
coalition, including four national elections and tough protracted negotiations,
has demonstrated that in a confident and prosperous Israel, personal ambition
trumps politics, and politicking outweighs ideology.
In fact, it was Netanyahu who first revealed unrestrained
willingness to pursue any and all paths to further his personal ambitions and
interests. It was he, after demonising any cooperation attempt with Palestinian
Arab parties as un-Zionist, who pursued a coalition agreement with the United
Arab List to preserve his premiership. And it was he who helped organise and
legitimise the most openly racist elements in the Israeli society, ensuring
they pass the threshold and enter the Knesset.
But Netanyahu “the magician” seems to have lost his magic. He has
gone too far, lied too much, and stepped over too many associates to stay on
top.
Indeed, nothing explains the formation of this new coalition of
political extremes better than animosity – the animosity of political leaders
exacting revenge against the man who once and again deceived or outright burned
them.
Naftali Bennett and Avigdor Lieberman, the prospective prime
minister and finance minister, respectively, have both previously served as
Netanyahu’s chiefs of staff. Gideon Sa’ar, the prospective justice minister,
was once his cabinet secretary. Even Yair Lapid and Benny Gantz, who are
spearheading the coalition effort to oust Netanyahu from office, have both been
ministers in his cabinet in the past.
But the apple doesn’t fall far from the tree. After years of
feeding on his minions like a scorpion, Netanyahu’s offspring are out to devour
him in a twisted ritual of political Matriphagy.
Once Netanyahu is neutralised and unable to mount a comeback, the
“change government” will, for all practical purposes, lose its raison d’etre.
The coalition partners have merely agreed to disagree on the big
issues, and are unlikely to agree to any consequential policy change, let alone
a new national agenda, transformative or even transitional.
Expect instead lots of political wrangling on major changes to the
welfare state, for example.
Lieberman, the prospective hardcore secular nationalist finance
minister, may insist on shifting budgets away from the religious parties’
associated schools and institutions.
Whether Prime Minister Bennett, himself a religious orthodox Jew,
will opt to block any such moves or encourage them in order to weaken his
competitors among the other religious parties, remains to be seen.
But Bennett won’t be able to make any sudden or extreme moves on
more consequential issues, such as settlement expansion or annexation, without
risking a coalition implosion.
With a majority of no more than 61 out of 120 parliament seats,
any defection by any displeased eccentric could lead to the undoing of the
“change government”.
It is therefore anyone’s guess how this evolves or rather devolves
in the coming days and weeks. But if you thought it couldn’t get any worse than
Netanyahu, think again.
Bennett, the former leader of a prominent settler group and a
fanatic whack who prides himself on killing Arabs, has even fewer scruples than
Netanyahu.
Paradoxically, his party failed even to cross the threshold
necessary to have any seats in the Knesset in the April 2019 elections.
Now he is destined to become prime minister.
PALESTINA
Hundreds of Palestinians have been arrested over the past month
and a half in occupied East Jerusalem, in what lawyers said was a direct
response to the Israeli police force losing its standing.
The escalation, which began after Israeli security forces banned
Palestinians from accessing the Damascus Gate area, has spread to include
violent Israeli repression of sit-ins in the Sheikh Jarrah neighbourhood, a
“Death to Arabs” march by Israeli settlers, several mass incursions into
Al-Aqsa Mosque compound, a deadly 11-day Israeli offensive on the Gaza Strip,
mob attacks on Palestinian citizens of Israel, and a widespread arrest campaign
that has targeted at least 2,000 Palestinians within Jerusalem and the occupied
territories.
Many of the arrests carried out in occupied East Jerusalem are
based on what Palestinians published on their social media, particularly videos
where they ridicule Israeli forces. According to lawyer Nasser Odeh, pursuing
Palestinians because of what they post on their social media accounts is not
new.
It is a sign of weakness, not strenght, of Israel. The ceasefire on May 21 has, for now, brought
the its war on Gaza to an end. However, this ceasefire is not permanent and
constant Israeli provocations anywhere in Palestine could reignite the bloody
cycle all over again. Moreover, the Israeli siege on
Gaza remains in place, as well as the Israeli military occupation and the rooted system of
apartheid that exists all over Palestine.
This, however, does not preclude the fact that the 11-day Israeli war on
the besieged Gaza Strip has fundamentally altered some elements about Israel’s
relationship with the Palestinians, especially the Palestinian Resistance, in
all of its manifestations.
Let us examine the main actors in the latest confrontation and briefly
discuss the impact of the Israeli war and the determined Palestinian resistance
on their respective positions.
‘Mowing the grass’ is an Israeli term used with reference to the
habitual Israeli attacks and war on besieged Gaza, aimed at delineating the
need for Israel to routinely eradicate or degrade the capabilities of the
various Palestinian resistance groups on the street.
‘Mowing the grass’ also has political benefits, as it
often neatly fit into Israel’s political agendas – for example, the need to
distract from one political crisis or another in Israel or to solidify Israeli
society around its leadership.
May 2021 will be remembered as the time that ‘mowing
the grass’ can no longer be easily invoked as a military and political strategy
by the Israeli government, as the Gaza resistance and the popular rebellion
that was ignited throughout all of Palestine has raised the price by
several-fold that Israel paid for its violent provocations.
While Israeli military and political strategists want
to convince us, and themselves, that their relationship with Gaza and the
Palestinian Resistance has not changed, it actually has and, arguably,
irreversibly so.
The Palestinian fight for freedom has also been
fundamentally altered, not only because of the unprecedented resilience of
Palestinian resistance, but the unity of the Palestinian people, and the rise of a
post-Oslo/peace process Palestinian nation that is united around a new popular
discourse, one which does not differentiate between Palestinians in Jerusalem,
Gaza, or anywhere else.
Palestinian unity around resistance, not peace process, is placing Israel in a new kind
of quandary. For the first time in its history, Israel cannot win the war on
the Palestinians. Neither can it lose the war, because
conceding essentially means that Israel is ready to offer compromises – end its
occupation, dismantle apartheid, and so on. This is why Israel opted for a one-sided ceasefire.
Though humiliating, it preferred over-reaching a negotiated agreement, thus
sending a message that the Palestinian Resistance works.
Still, the May war demonstrated that Israel is no
longer the only party that sets the rules of the game. Palestinians are finally able to make an impact and force Israel to abandon
its illusions that Palestinians are passive victims and that resistance is
futile.
Equally important, we can no longer discuss popular resistance and armed
resistance as if they are two separate notions or strategies. It would have
been impossible for the armed resistance to be sustained, especially under the
shocking amount of Israeli firepower, without the support of Palestinians at
every level of society and regardless of their political and ideological
differences.
Facing a single enemy that did not differentiate between civilians and
fighters, between a Hamas or a Fatah supporter, the Palestinian people
throughout Palestine moved past all of their political divisions and factional
squabbles. Palestinian youth coined new terminologies, ones that were centered
around resistance, liberation, solidarity and so on. This shift in the popular
discourse will have important consequences that have the potential of cementing
Palestinian unity for many years to come.
The popular revolt in Palestine has taken many by surprise, including
Israel’s allies. Historically, Israel’s Western supporters have proven to be
morally bankrupt, but the latest war has proved them to be politically bankrupt
as well.
Throughout the war, Washington and other Western capitals parroted the same old line about
Israel’s right to defend itself, Israel’s security and the need to return to
the negotiation table. This is an archaic and useless position because it did
not add anything new to the old, empty discourse. If anything, it merely
demonstrates their inability to evolve politically and to match the dramatic
changes underway in occupied Palestine.
Needless to say, the new US Administration of Joe Biden, in particular, has
missed a crucial opportunity to prove that it was different from that of the
previous Donald Trump Administration. Despite, at times, guarded language and a
few nuances, Biden behaved precisely as Trump would have if he was still
President.
The head of the Palestinian Authority, Mahmoud Abbas, and his circle of
supporters represent a bygone era. While they are happy
to claim a large share of whatever international financial support that could
pour in to rebuild Gaza, they do not represent any political trend in Palestine
at the moment.
Abbas’s decision to cancel Palestine’s elections scheduled for May and July
left him more isolated. Palestinians are ready to look past him; in fact, they
already have. This so-called leadership will not be able to galvanize upon this
historic moment built on Palestinian unity and resistance.
The Palestinian Authority is corrupt and dispensable. Worse, it is an
obstacle in the way of Palestinian freedom. Palestine needs a leadership that
represents all Palestinian people everywhere, one that is truly capable of
leading the people as they attempt to chart a clear path to their coveted
freedom.
The incredible amount of global solidarity which made
headline news all over the world was a clear indication that the many years of
preparedness at a grassroots level have paid off. Aside from the numerous
expressions of solidarity, one particular aspect deserves further analysis: the
geographic diversity of this solidarity which is no longer confined to a few
cities in a few countries.
Pro-Palestine solidarity protests, vigils, conferences, webinars, art,
music, poetry and many more such expressions were manifest from Kenya to South
Africa, to Pakistan to the UK and dozens of countries around the world. The
demographics, too, have changed, with minorities and people of color either
leading or taking center stage of many of these protests, a phenomenon
indicative of the rising intersectionality between Palestinians and numerous
oppressed groups around the globe.
A critical fight ahead for Palestinians is the fight
of delegitimizing and exposing Israeli colonialism, racism and apartheid. This fight can be won at the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA), the
International Criminal Court (ICC), the International Court of Justice (ICJ),
UNESCO and numerous international and regional organizations, in addition to
the countless civil society groups and community centers the world over.
For this to happen, every voice matters, every vote counts, from India to Brazil, from Portugal to South Africa, from China to New Zealand, and so on. Israel understands this perfectly, thus the global charm offensive that right-wing Israeli Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, has been leading for years. It is essential that we, too, understand this, and reach out to each UN member as part of a larger strategy to deservingly isolate Israel for ongoing war crimes and crimes against humanity.
INTERACTIVE:
Palestinian Remix
Palestinian Center for Human Rights
International
Solidarity Movement – Nonviolence. Justice. Freedom
Defense for Children
Breaking the Silence
AOS FATOS: As declarações de Bolsonaro, checadas
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