WE GROW HOPE
Since US President Donald Trump’s ascendency to the White House, Israel has received unprecedented public US backing, including the transfer of the American embassy to Jerusalem and Trump’s seal of approval for the illegal annexation of the Golan Heights.
Meanwhile, in a ludicrous, knee-jerk response to Hamas’s retaliatory missile firing, Katrina Pierson, a Trump 2020 senior campaign advisor, tweeted a fake video of missiles fired in 2015 in Ukraine
ith an accusatory message toward progressive Democrat and Minnesota Representative Ilhan Omar.
The ‘special relationship’ between Trump and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is the most recent expression of American Imperial support for Zionist settler colonialism and genocide. The only novelty of the contemporary version is its unabashed, grotesque racism and corruption.
This white supremacist alliance benefits both parties: the US maintains an imperial foothold in the Middle East, smooth cycling of taxpayer money through Israeli military aid back to the US ruling class and a loyal consumer of its goods, while Israel illegally continues to colonize Palestine as well as brutalize and steal valuable resources from its Indigenous population with impunity courtesy of its American benefactor.
In order to dismantle this colonizing coalition for the benefit of all victims of white supremacy, including Jews and Palestinians, it is crucial to understand the propaganda enabling it.
Zionist propaganda depends on the promulgation of two major fallacies. First, it ahistorically equates Zionism and Judaism as interconnected since biblical days, instead of correctly presenting Zionism as a modern European movement with Christian roots. This false equation serves to foil resistance by regarding any criticism of Israeli policies towards Palestinians as an affront on all Jews, ie anti-Semitic. Further, it reframes a settler colonialist movement which oppresses an Indigenous population as an unsolvable religious “conflict” among two relatively equal parties.
Second, Zionists claim and appropriate Jewish victimhood and suffering, presenting them as exceptional. Modern white supremacist anti-Semitism is conflated with anti-Jewish religious bigotry and portrayed as an ancient form of human racism, which supposedlyafflicts both left and right political spheres. This essentially anti-Semitic maneuver serves to whitewash Zionist criminality and its collaboration with right-wing anti-Semitic forces and attack those who call it out, such as Ilhan Omar.
Zionist historical revisionism enables an erroneous presentation of Israel as accommodating a left-to-right political milieu, instead of accurately recognizing the entirety of Zionism, including its “liberal” sort, as inherently reactionary, settler colonial and genocidal.
Zionists have weaponized the exceptionalisation of Jewish victimhood in concert with the false and manifestly anti-Semitic equation between Zionism and Judaism as an extremely effective one-two punch against critique of Israeli criminality.
Israeli propaganda frames the Nazi Holocaust as a particularly savage genocide in history, which entitles its primary targets – Jews – with a special status among victims. According to this rationale, as exceptional victims, Jews deserve certain privileges, discounts and allowances. Notably, Zionist revisionism often omits and devalues Nazi crimes against other groups, such as communists and socialists, Roma, disabled individuals, LGBTQI, and African-Germans.
As the supposed “Jewish state”, Israel has been the beneficiary of these favors and special relationships, which always come at the expense of Palestinians.
In addition, the Nazi Holocaust facilitated the Zionist project by vitalizing Jewish immigration to Palestine, thus providing manpower to fight the British mandate and the Palestinian “demographic threat”.
The recently observed Israeli ‘holidays’ of Yom hashoah (Holocaust remembrance day) and Yom hazikaron (Memorial Day for fallen Israeli soldiers), well illustrate the Zionist attempt to link and justify Israeli colonization, militarism and violence with reference to past anti-Semitism. Today, Israeli PM Benjamin Netanyahu continues to exploit and revise the memory of the Holocaust for propaganda purposes.
The Holocaust is one example of genocide carried out by white supremacists. The long list includes, among others, genocide of Indigenous groups and African slaves in the Americas, Aboriginal people in Australia, Belgium’s atrocities in the Congo, and the ongoing genocide of Palestinians at the hand of Zionists. None of these victims have received appropriate recognition or compensation for their trauma and oppression. What’s more, while Israel uses Holocaust survivors as propaganda tools, it has a history of abandoning them later in life.
Donald Trump has learned from fascistic movements, including Zionism. He effectively energizes his racist base with revisionist tales of exceptional American victimhood, which supersede, marginalize and propagate the oppression and targeting of immigrants, Indigenous people, Black and Brown groups, Muslims, Jews, LGBTQI and others.
In line with Umberto Eco’s seminal characterization of fourteen common fascistic attributes, Trump and Netanyahu present “others” as both strong and weak, thus perpetuating their own victimhood while promoting a vision of strength. This contradiction points to the irrationality and ultimate unsustainability of Zionist and imperial rhetoric. Eco wrote: “By a continuous shifting of rhetorical focus, the enemies are at the same time too strong and too weak.”
The “special relationship” between Trump and Netanyahu perpetuates the age-old alliance between anti-Semitic forces and Zionism. Both Trump and Netanyahu use exceptionality of victimhood as a cudgel to beat down progressive agendas and opponents, while promoting their capitalist and expansionist goals.
In contrast, it is evident that an intersectional approach between marginalized groups, which galvanizes lessons of past anti-colonial movements and disregards hierarchies of oppression can disentangle the revisionist narratives of white supremacy, imperialism, and patriarchy, including attempts to exceptionalize victimhood. An acknowledgement of mutual oppressors reinforces solidarity and assists in principled grassroots movements, such as the Palestinian-led Boycott Divestment and Sanctions (BDS).
The recent questioning of the US-Israeli “special relationship” by progressive Democratic lawmaker Alexandria Ocasio Cortez, as well as critique of Netanyahu by Presidential candidate Bernie Sanders, among others, are welcome steps towards the ultimate dismantlement of this colonizing coalition. Regardless, a consistent refusal to quantify suffering and victimhood as part of propaganda which creates hierarchy and thus divides groups oppressed by white supremacy is essential for effectively combating all forms of oppression, en route toward a society promoting equality and justice for all, including in Israel/Palestine.
When Israeli prime ministers are in trouble, facing difficult elections or a corruption scandal, the temptation has typically been for them to unleash a military operation to bolster their standing. In recent years, Gaza has served as a favourite punching bag.
Binyamin Netanyahu is confronting both difficulties at once: a second round of elections in September that he may struggle to win; and an attorney general who is widely expected to indict him on corruption charges shortly afterwards.
Netanyahu is in an unusually tight spot, even by the standards of an often chaotic and fractious Israeli political system. After a decade in power, his electoral magic may be deserting him. There are already rumblings of discontent among his allies on the far right.
Given his desperate straits, we can fear that he may pull a new kind of rabbit out of the hat.
In the past two elections, Netanyahu rode to success after issuing dramatic last-minute statements. In 2015, he agitated against the fifth of Israel’s citizens who are Palestinian asserting their democratic rights, warning that they were “coming out in droves to vote”.
Back in April, he declared his intention to annex large chunks of the occupied West Bank, in violation of international law, during the next parliament.
Amos Harel, a veteran military analyst with Haaretz newspaper, observed last week that Netanyahu may decide words are no longer enough to win. Action is needed, possibly in the form of an announcement on the eve of September’s ballot that as much as two-thirds of the West Bank is to be annexed.
Washington and Europe do not look like it will stand in his way.
Shortly before April’s election, the Trump administration offered Netanyahu a campaign fillip by recognising Israel’s illegal annexation of the Golan Heights, territory Israel seized from Syria in 1967.
Last month David Friedman, US ambassador to Israel and one of the chief architects of Donald Trump’s long-delayed “deal of the century” peace plan, appeared to offer a similar, early election boost.
In interviews, he claimed Israel was “on the side of God” – unlike, or so it was implied, the Palestinians. He further argued that Israel had the “right to retain” much of the West Bank.
Both statements suggest that the Trump administration will not object to any Israeli moves towards annexation, especially if it ensures their favoured candidate returns to power.
Whatever Friedman suggests, it is not God who has intervened on Israel’s behalf. The hands that have carefully cleared a path over many decades to the West Bank’s annexation are all too human.
Israeli officials have been preparing for this moment for more than half a century, since the West Bank, East Jerusalem and Gaza were seized back in 1967.
That point is underscored by an innovative interactive map of the occupied territories. This valuable new resource is a joint project of the Israeli human rights group B’Tselem and Forensic Architecture, a London-based team that uses new technology to visualise and map political violence and environmental destruction.
Titled Conquer and Divide, it reveals in detail how Israel has “torn apart Palestinian space, divided the Palestinian population into dozens of disconnected enclaves and unravelled its social, cultural and economic fabric”.
The map proves beyond doubt that Israel’s colonisation of the West Bank was never accidental, defensive or reluctant. It was coldly calculated and intricately planned, with one goal in mind – and the moment to realise that goal is fast approaching.
Annexation is not a right-wing project that has hijacked the benign intentions of Israel’s founding generation. Annexation was on the cards from the occupation’s very beginnings in 1967, when the so-called centre-left – now presented as a peace-loving alternative to Netanyahu – ran the government.
The map shows how Israeli military planners created a complex web of pretexts to seize Palestinian land: closed military zones today cover a third of the West Bank; firing ranges impact 38 Palestinian communities; nature reserves are located on 6 per cent of the territory; nearly a quarter has been declared Israeli “state” land; some 250 settlements have been established; dozens of permanent checkpoints severely limit movement; and hundreds of kilometres of walls and fences have been completed.
These interlocking land seizures seamlessly carved up the territory, establishing the walls of dozens of tightly contained prisons for Palestinians in their own homeland.
Two Nasa satellite images of the region separated by 30 years – from 1987 and 2017 – reveal how Israel’s settlements and transport infrastructure have gradually scarred the West Bank’s landscape, clearing away natural vegetation and replacing it with concrete.
The land grabs were not simply about acquisition of territory. They were a weapon, along with increasingly draconian movement restrictions, to force the native Palestinian population to submit, to recognise its defeat, to give up hope.
In the immediate wake of the West Bank’s occupation, defence minister Moshe Dayan, Israel’s hero of the hour and one of the architects of the settlement project, observed that Palestinians should be made “to live like dogs, and whoever wants to can leave – and we shall see where this process leads”.
Although Israel has concentrated Palestinians in 165 disconnected areas across the West Bank, its actions effectively won the international community’s seal of approval in 1995. The Oslo accords cemented Israel’s absolute control over 62 per cent of the West Bank, containing the Palestinians’ key agricultural land and water sources, which was classified as Area C.
Occupations are intended to be temporary – and the Oslo accords promised the same. Gradually, the Palestinians would be allowed to take back more of their territory to build a state. But Israel made sure both the occupation and the land thefts sanctioned by Oslo continued.
The new map reveals more than just the methods Israel used to commandeer the West Bank. Decades of land seizures highlight a trajectory, plotting a course that indicates the project is still not complete.
If Netanyahu partially annexes the West Bank – Area C – it will be simply another stage in Israel’s tireless efforts to immiserate the Palestinian population and bully them into leaving. This is a war of attrition – what Israelis have long understood as “creeping annexation”, carried out by stealth to avoid a backlash from the international Community.
Ultimately, the Zionists want the Palestinians gone entirely, squeezed out into neighbouring Arab states, such as Egypt and Jordan. That next chapter is likely to begin in earnest if Trump ever gets the chance to impose his criminal “deal of the century”.
“Do you think Judaism will ever recover from having been hijacked by Zionism?” is a question often asked by good Jews, Just Jews who condemn Zionism.
The collection defies the stereotype of Jews who reject Zionism as “self-hating.” On the contrary, it reveals that many remain religious and observant, while others take pride in a secular Jewish identity intertwined with their progressive ideals. The authors include rabbis, historians of Jewish Studies and Middle Eastern Studies, other academics, lawyers, social workers, journalists and media professionals, activists, and recent graduates. Whether religious or secular, they have come to see Zionism as violating Judaism’s most sacred ethical principles.
Mondoweiss: Long past time to reclaim Judaism from Zionism, by Carolyn L. Karcher
“Do you think Judaism will ever recover from having been hijacked by Zionism?” is a question often asked by good Jews, Just Jews who condemn Zionism.
Carolyn L. Karcher answers the question as follows: I have wrestled with a similar question for many years: how can the ethical precepts of Judaism—pursue justice, love your neighbor, love the stranger, repair the world—be reconciled with Zionism? Any Judaism I can believe in is at odds with this nationalist ideology, which claims that only a state controlled by Jews and privileging them over non-Jews can protect them against anti-Semitism and the threat of another Holocaust.
I did not always realize this. When I was growing up in Tokyo, Japan, in the 1950s, I thought Judaism consisted only of rituals performed with Hebrew prayers and allegiance to the newly established state of Israel. Our small Jewish community, made up mainly of Ashkenazi emigres from Siberia like my father’s family and of Sephardi emigres from Syria and Lebanon, together with Israeli Embassy staff and American businesspeople, did not have a rabbi.
Perhaps that is why, instead of Judaism’s key ethical tenets, our Sunday School class was taught the story of Israel’s heroic founding, as recounted in Leon Uris’s novel “Exodus.” No wonder I confused Zionism with Judaism, mistaking a political ideology of Jewish nationalism born in the late nineteenth century for an ancient religion rooted in the Torah and the Talmud.
Not until Israel’s 1982 invasion of Lebanon did I begin to question my idealized image of Israel and, ultimately, the premise of Zionism. Israel’s indiscriminate bombing of Beirut, shelling of hospitals, and collusion with Lebanese Phalangist militias in massacres at the Sabra and Shatila refugee camps shook me to the core.
Struggling to digest these atrocities, I went to a teach-in. The main speaker contrasted Israel’s boasts of “making the desert bloom” with its destruction of thousands of Palestinian homes and olive trees. My stomach in knots, I recoiled from her message. Only when I learned that she was not Palestinian but an Israeli Jewish human rights lawyer could I let her words penetrate my consciousness.
Back then, disputing Zionism felt very scary. It certainly isolated me from friends and family. I did not know that at the start of the Zionist movement, most Jews worldwide had opposed it. Even throughout World War II, Jewish opponents of Zionism continued to hold up an alternative vision for Palestine of a secular democratic state in which all citizens would enjoy equal rights. In 1947, they demanded freedom for the region’s “entire population” and a guarantee of “the national rights of both communities,” Jewish and Arab.
Although by 1948 the Holocaust convinced a majority that a Jewish state offered the best protection for Jews, Israel’s decades of ethnic cleansing and unending warfare—and Palestinians’ tenacious resistance—have since led me to understand that a Jewish state was a false solution to the quest for safety.
Over the years, I met more and more Jews who were questioning Zionist ideology. In 2016, the idea occurred to me of collecting their stories so others contending with the same doubts could know they were not alone. I designed the collection as a vehicle for initiating difficult conversations within Jewish families and communities, through stories with which readers could identify.
I began with a handful of acquaintances. Then I solicited narratives from people who told personal stories at public events, or wrote insightful op-eds, articles, or letters to the editor. I found more contributors when those I recruited spread the word through their networks.
To ensure that the collection reflected diverse backgrounds and perspectives, I made special efforts to seek out Sephardi/Mizrahi as well as Ashkenazi Jewish contributors. And in view of the leading role that college-age Jews are playing in the Palestine solidarity movement, I worked hard to enlist them. I ended up with forty fresh and deeply personal accounts. This year, the book came to fruition, under the title Reclaiming Judaism from Zionism: Stories of Personal Transformation.
The collection defies the stereotype of Jews who reject Zionism as “self-hating.” On the contrary, it reveals that many remain religious and observant, while others take pride in a secular Jewish identity intertwined with their progressive ideals. The authors include rabbis, historians of Jewish Studies and Middle Eastern Studies, other academics, lawyers, social workers, journalists and media professionals, activists, and recent graduates. Whether religious or secular, they have come to see Zionism as violating Judaism’s most sacred ethical principles.
The Torah commands Jews: “The stranger that sojourneth with you shall be unto you as the home-born among you, and thou shalt love him as thyself; for ye were strangers in the land of Egypt” (Lev. 19:34). Zionist ideology instead teaches Jews to treat Palestinians as strangers in their own land, enemies who must be expelled.
It is long past time to reclaim Judaism from Zionism, long past time for all who value the ethics of Judaism—or of simple humanity—to repudiate any ideology that denies Palestinians equality, freedom, and dignity.
A few weeks ago Al Jazeera Media Network suspended two journalists over a video that "downplayed and misrepresented the Holocaust". The short clip, which was published by AJ+ Arabic, was taken down after the network said in a statement that it had "contravened its editorial standards".
In an email to staff, Yaser Bishr, executive director of Al Jazeera's digital division, announced that there will be "a mandatory bias and sensitivity training programme". Given the resurgence of anti-Semitism, it is indeed important to scrutinise coverage of the Jewish Holocaust and be vigilant.
In this sense, it is commendable that the Doha-based network has taken action. But when it comes to crimes committed by European powers, Al Jazeera is by far not the media that should be undergoing "sensitivity training".
Whether it is the transatlantic slave trade, the genocide of native populations in the Americas and Australia, or massacres of varying scales in the Middle East, Asia and Africa, mass atrocities committed by European imperialism and settler colonialism are regularly downplayed and misrepresented. And so are the crimes of other non-European imperial powers.
As racism, white supremacy and sectarianism are on the rise across the world, we indeed need to take care not only to give the Jewish Holocaust immediate and constant attention it needs, but also all other colossal calamities in world history committed in the name of the imagined superiority of one group of humans over the rest.
Zionism is a good example of the aberration against which each one of us must fight.
As it happens the incident with the AJ video coincided with a major Holocaust exhibition in New York at the Museum of Jewish Heritage: A Living Memorial to the Holocaust. With more than 700 original items from Auschwitz and 400 photographs, it is the largest ever travelling exhibition about the Nazi death camps.
It is important to have such exhibitions to remind us of the horrors of the Holocaust and the dangers that racist ideologies pose to humanity. But when reflecting on this enormous tragedy, it is difficult to do so in historical isolation, especially from the other tragedy that followed after the end of World War II: the Nakba or the dispossession of the Palestinian people and the systematic theft of their homeland by European settler colonialists.
The Nakba, too, has been downplayed and misrepresented, time and again, in the mainstream media across the world. And beyond that, it is in fact the official policy of the state of Israel to systemically and consistently deny Palestinian suffering. In fact, the whole Israeli settler colony is built on the denial of the very existence of a Palestinian people, let alone their Nakba.
Should the Israelis then not go through "sensitivity training" as well, the way Al Jazeera has decided to do with its staff - both Arab and non-Arab? And what sort of "sensitivity training" would or could ever address or correct that catastrophe? Could the children of European Jews who escaped the Holocaust ever comprehend the pain and suffering of the Palestinians who were uprooted to make space for Zionist settlements? Should the ethnic cleansing of the Palestinians by the Zionists not be a major concern to the same level - or higher, as it is being done on our watch - as the Jewish holocaust by the nazis?
Just asking.
Close to the topic, one of my favourite Brazilian artists, composer and singer Milton Nascimento, sang in Israel last month and in Paris yesterday. I bought the ticket. I was dying to hear him sing. However, I didn't go to the theater. I boycotted him. Left my chair empty. My personnal way of showing him my discontent, that he is wrong and ignorant of the reality in Palestine. I hope that since then he has taken time to reflect more deeply on real Israelis, and on real Palestinians. Like Caetano Veloso did after his faux pas.
Milton made me remember that in regarding the Pain of Others (2003), American author and philosopher Susan Sontag reflects on how it is impossible for an image of other people's suffering to convey the horror of the actual events. To make her point, she goes through a series of photographic representations of disasters, Francisco Goya's The Disasters of War, photographs of the American Civil War, the lynching of African-Americans in the South, the Nazi death camps, the Rwanda genocide, and the attacks in New York City on September 11, 2001. I Don't remember seeing any photo of the Palestinian genocide in 1948, although she rightly warns: "No 'we' should be taken for granted when the subject is looking at other people's pain." That is, those who have never experienced the pain they are observing in an image or on the TV screen will never fully comprehend it; they will never be a "we" with the person living that pain. She forgets Palestinian dispossession and pain.
In 2001 Sontag was obviously not unaware that there was a country from which more than a million refugees have been expelled. In 1973 she actually made a film in Israel, "Promised Lands," made in October and November of 1973 after the Egyptians crossed the Suez canal in the Yom Kippur war. Back then, Nora Sayre gave it a politely damning review in the New York Times: "Throughout the ideas and the people and the machines of war are examined from a distance, as though everything had been observed through some kind of mental gauze. The Israelis – particularly those in robes – are filmed as if they were extremely foreign or exotic.
Also, Israel seems like a nearly all-male country, since few women appear and none have been interviewed. There are a few sympathetic words for the Arabs [Palestinians], but their existence seems shadowy and abstract – almost as bloodless as the statues in a wax museum devoted to Israeli history."
This much praised American intelectual, Susan Sontag, went to Jerusalem in 2001 to collect a litterary prize, although through the 1990s it was almost impossible for American intellectuals to claim that they did not know what was happening, or were in ignorance of how Palestinians have been treated. The subject became legal tender, even if the currency remained severely limited in fungibility.
Sontag has always been appreciative of irony. Did she see no irony in the fact that she, relentless critic of Slobodan Milosevic, (upon whose extradition to face trial in its Hague Court as a "war criminal" the US is now conditioning all aid to Yugoslavia,) went to get a prize in Israel, at the time, led by the bulldozer Ariel Sharon, whose credentials as a war criminal were robust and indeed undisputed by all people of balanced and independent judgement? To resurrect a tired phrase, Sharon really had the blood of thousands of Palestinians and Lebanese upon his hands.
Did Sontag sense no irony in getting a prize premised on the author’s sensitivity to issues of human freedom, in a society where the freedom of Palestinians was and is unrelentingly repressed? To dramatize her support for multi-ethnic Sarajevo, she actually had produced a play in the beleagured city a few years ago. Imagine what bitter words she would have been ready to hurl at a writer voyaging to the Serb portion of Bosnia to receive money and a fulsome scroll from Radovan Karadzic or Milosevic, praising her commitment to freedom of the individual, and poo-pooing "events that have blighted tourism."
Yet there she went to a city over which Sharon declared Israel’s absolute and eternal control, and whose latest turmoils he had personally provoked by insisting on traveling under the protection of a thousand soldiers to provoke Palestinians in their holy places. Could there be a more flagrant and disgusting pretensions to all those invocations to toleration and diversity Sontag and the others put forth, accompanied by their strident demands then for NATO to drop its bombs on the Serbs?
When the South African writer Nadine Gordimer was offered the Jerusalem prize a number of years before Sontag, she declined, saying she did not care to travel from one apartheid society to another. But to take that kind of position in the United States would be a risky course for a careful (and by a less obliging token) a cowardly intellectual.
A cruel Zionist project has cast innocent Palestinians and innocent Jews against each other, a false hostile binary manufactured by a history of nasty European colonialism that has culminated and triumphed in the Zionist colonisation of Palestine.
But from the terror of that colonial cruelty Palestinians emerge as the victims of the dastardly European racism and colonialism against Palestinians, a fact that squarely places Zionists not on the side of the Jews but on the side of European colonialists.
Milton Nascimento made a terrible mistake when he Drew a parallel between Brazil's dictatorship time and what the Israelis for whom he sang Under Netanyahu's rule. The only innocent Israelis are those who work on human rights NGO's and the shiministin - conscience objectors. The other are all accomplicies of the ethnic cleansing of Palestine. As Milton knows, silence gives consent. Quem cala, consente.
PALESTINA
Open letter condemning Talib Kweli's removal from the Open Source Festival of Düsseldorf as a part of a anti-Palestinian censorship trend, as he was disinvited after he refused to denounce the Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions - BDS - Movement for Palestinian rights.
"We are shocked that the Open Source Festival in Düsseldorf has disinvited the black American rapper Talib Kweli, leading to the cancellation of his Germany tour, after he refused to denounce the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) movement for Palestinian rights. Attempts in Germany to impose political conditions on artists who support Palestinian rights, particularly targeting people of colour and queer artists, comprise a shameful trend of censorship, anti-Palestinian repression, and attacks on freedom of conscience.
We hold diverse views on BDS, but we concur with 240 Jewish and Israeli scholars who recently wrote that “the three main goals of BDS – ending the occupation, full equality to the Arab citizens of Israel and the right of return of Palestinian refugees – adhere to international law”.
Dr Sara Roy of Harvard University, a leading Middle East scholar, recently addressed members of the German parliament: “I lost a large extended family to fascism and racism. By endorsing the motion that alleges that BDS is antisemitic – regardless of one’s position on BDS – you are criminalising the right to free speech and dissent and those who choose to exercise it, which is exactly how fascism takes root. You also trivialise and dishonour the real meaning of antisemitism.”
We firmly oppose all forms of racism and discrimination, including anti-blackness, antisemitism, Islamophobia, homophobia and sexism. We also agree with the 200 Palestinian civil society organisations who responded to the Bundestag’s declaration that equated BDS with bigotry: “Denying Palestinians the right to non-violently advocate for freedom, justice and equality is anti-Palestinian and puts the Bundestag at odds with international law, with universal democratic principles and even with the formal position of the European Union.”
Supporting a nonviolent struggle for freedom, justice and equality, for Palestinians or others, should never be conflated with bigotry. It’s a right. For many, it’s also a moral duty.
Khalid Abdalla Actor, filmmaker; Tunde Adebimpe Musician; Aviad Albert Musician, linguist; Tariq Ali Writer; Nir Alon Visual artist; Monifa Bandele Human rights activist; David Banner Musician, producer, actor, activist; Daphna Baram Comedian; director, Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions UK; Ben UFO DJ; The Black Madonna DJ, producer ; Nicholas Blincoe Writer; Judith Butler Philosopher; David Calder Actor; Iggor Cavalera Musician; Julie Christie Actor; Caryl Churchill Playwright; Ciel DJ, Producer; Scott Cohen Music industry executive ; Ben Cook Director, LUX Artists’ Moving Image; Molly Crabapple Artist, writer; Patrisse Cullors Artist; co-founder, Black Lives Matter; Liam Cunningham Actor; Selma Dabbagh Writer; Dror Dayan Film-maker; Laurence Dreyfus Director, Phantasm Viol Consort; Michael Eric Dyson Author, minister, professor; Theo Ellis Musician; Eve Ensler Playwright, activist; Brian Eno Composer, Producer; Jodie Evans Film Producer; Gareth Evans Curator, Producer; Anat Even Film-maker; Chiara Figone Archive Books/Kabinet/Journal; Saeed Taji Farouky Film-maker; Peter Gabriel Musician, founder, Womad festival; Tom Gilroy Actor, director; Jodie Ginsberg CEO, Index on Censorship; Ariel Gold Human rights activist; Ohal Grietzer Composer; LisaGay Hamilton Actor; Marc Lamont Hill Author, activist; HowNosm Street artists; Chace Infinite Artist, entrepreneur; Oli Isaacs Artist manager; Aki Kaurismäki Film director, screenwriter; Brigid Keenan Writer; Reem Kelani Singer, musicologist; Robin Kelly Historian, academic; AL Kennedy Writer; Peter Kennard Artist; Steve Kettley Musician, composer; Naomi Klein Writer; Paul Laverty Screenwriter; Mason Leaver-Yap Associate curator, KW Institute for Contemporary Art; Mike Leigh Writer, director; Laima Leyton Musician; Ken Loach Director; Liz Lochhead Poet, playwright; Sabrina Mahfouz Writer; Jens Maier-Rothe Curator, film Producer; Miriam Margolyes Actor; Kika Markham Actor, writer; Yann Martel Writer; Francesca Martinez Comedian; Ahmed Masoud Writer, director; Pauline Melville Writer; Avi Mograbi Film-maker; Jessica Care Moore Poet, author, publisher; Thurston Moore Musician; Tom Morello Musician; Ali Shaheed Muhammad Rapper, producer, DJ; Laura Mulvey Film-maker, writer; Joff Oddie Musician; Jonathan Ofir Conductor; Mutulu “M-1” Olugbala Musician, activist; David Oppenheim Artist, musician; Maxine Peake Actor; Cat Phillipps Artist; Danielle Alma Ravitzki Musician, visual artist; Boots Riley Director, musician, activist ; Ben Ronen Visual artist; Rrose Musician; Mark Ruffalo Actor; Gavin Rayna Russom Composer; Michal Sapir Writer, musician; Sate Artist; James Schamus Screenwriter, producer, director; Stephen Sedley Human rights lawyer; Itamar Shapira Musician; Shain Shapiro Music industry executive; Eyal Sivan Film-maker; Gillian Slovo Writer; Christopher Somes-Charlton Artist manager; Ahdaf Soueif Writer; Lia Tarachansky Journalist, film-maker; Eyal Vexler Cultural producer, curator; Violet Electronic musician; Roger Waters Musician; Jonathan Watkins Director, Ikon Gallery ; Eyal Weizman Director, Forensic Architecture; Penny Woolcock Screenwriter, filmmaker; Robert Wyatt Musician; Young Fathers Band.
BRASIL
ZORRA TOTAL: Seis meses de governo do Bozonaro
VENEZUELA
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