An Israeli soldier shot dead one more unarmed Palestinian, Saba Abu Ubeid, 23, on Friday afternoon during a demonstration to express support for the Palestinian prisoners' hunger strike, now in its fourth week.
IDF's snipers are trained to aim at the legs of Palestinian youths and children to incapacitate them for life. The soldiers ostensible goal is to break a knee or a femur that can't be mended. They are lethal when they hit the upper body, as was the case of young Saba. Fatima Hjeiji, a 16-year-old Jerusalemite had been "executed in cold blood" two days before for an alleged knife attempt, although she did not pose any danger for the soldiers. Her body has not been returned to her family as many others Palestinians murdered by IDF soldiers.
Um soldado das forças israelenses de ocupação matou o palestino Saba Abu Ubeid, 23, em uma passeata de solidariedade com os prisioniros palestinos em sua quarta semana de greve.Os soldados da IDF são treinados para atirar na perna, com o propósito de quebrar o fêmur ou o joelho a fim de incapacitar definitivamente jovens e crianças palestinas. As balas são letais quando atingem o corpo, como foi o caso de Saba, foto acima.
Na foto acima, Fatima, jerusalemita palestina de 16 anos executada a sangue frio no dia 10 de maio, embora não representasse nenhum perigo para os soldados da IDF. Seu corpo não foi devolvido à família, como muitos palestinos assassinados em checkpoints.
Military occupied Palestinians rightly deem Israel a terrorist state and the zionist ideology that has justified the ethnic cleaning of Palestinians and the occupation of their homeland a 'terrorist movement'.Such a view hardly registers in mainstream media.
Despite the rising sympathy for Palestine and the Palestinians' ordeal in most part of the world, Europe and the USA included, regrettably, the media are still following the same line as in the past - with subjugated Palestinians ignored or demonised and militarily powerful Israel painted in the role of the civtim, and celebrated for its alleged moral triumph as a democracy among Muslin "hordes".
Most journalists refuse to accept how "objectivity" is selectively applied on some nations, but excludes those who are perceived as "American allies", whether self-declared democracies, like Israel, Saoudi Arabia and other outright dictatorial regimes.
It would have been far more productive, and humane, to sympathise with hunger-striking men and women in Israeli jails, mostly sentenced in kangaroo courts or held indefinitely with no trials at all or any due process.
An inquisitive journalist should inquire as of why hundreds of prisoners are on junger strike in the first place and should attempt to understand how such an act is part of a larger political and humanitarian context that has affected millions of occupied and besieged Palestinians.
Is it possible that many in the media are wary that such dialectic could lead to more painful questions and equally uncomfortable answers?
One such uncomfortable truth is that Gaza is the world's largest open prison.
The West Bank is a prison, too, segmented into various wards known as ares A, B and C.
East Jerusalem is cut off from the West Bank, and those within the West Bank are themselves separated from each other.
Palestinians in Israel are treated slightly better than their brethen in the occupied territories, but still subsist in degrading conditions compared with the first-class status given to Israeli Jews, purely on the basis of their ethnicity.
That is why the issue of prisoners is a very sensitive on for Palestinians - being a literal as well as metaphorical representation of all that Palestinians have in common, and the various facets that characterise the very meaning of a Palestinian existence.
in fact, the protests igniting across the Occupied Palestinian Territories to support the current hunger strikers are not merely an act of 'solidarity' with the incarcerated and abused men and women who are demanding improvements to their conditions.
They are, in essence, protests against the very reality of Palestinian life - an inhuman and unbearable, Israeli created status quo.
The prisoners held captive in Israeli jails are a depection of the life of every Palestinian, trapped behing walls, checkpoints, in refugee camps, in Gaza, in cantons in the West Bank, segregated Jerusalem, like cattle, waiting to be let in, waiting to be let out. Simply waiting for their jailers and their tormentors rule their life, all the time.
The 6.500 prisoners in Israeli jails include hundreds of minors, women, elected officials, journalists and administrative detainees, who are held without charge and no due process. Yet,these numbers alone hardly convey the reality that has transpired under Israeli occupation since 1967. It's worse. So much worse that it would make tough people pale.
The strike and the public mobilisation that has thus far unified Palestinians from all backgrounds is largely championned by a branch of Fatah that has been purposely sidelined for years.
As I said previously, leading the hunger strike is Marwan Barghouthi, who is by far the more popular figure within Fatah than its current leader, the ageing Mahmoud Abbas (80). No wonder why western media is trying to discredit Marwan Barghouthi to keep the obedient Abu Mazen.
Despite being president of the Palestinian Authority (PA) and head of the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO), Abbas' reign is characterised by expired mandates and little popularity.
In fact, his leadership has been largely predicated on several pillars. Mainly, US-Western funding, US-friendly Arab backing, and security coordination with Israel against his own compatriotes.
The reality is that the Palestinian people in a whole have rarely been a focal point within Abbas' political equation.
Now Abu Mazen is desperate to ensure that the future of Fatah continue to favour his brand of politics and sideline his rivals. These include not only Hamas, but also Marwan Barghouthi's branch.
The sad and painful reality is that wheile the status quo is bleack for most Plaestinians, it is beneficial to a few unworthy rulers who have benefited, becoming wealthy after the Oslo Accords was signed. The PA is itself
direct outcome of Oslo, can only survive as long as the Oslo scheme of
"peace process" prevails.
Meanwhile, the large majority of Palestinians are suffering. They see no political horizon, they are getting poorer and jobs are harder to come by, the Israeli occupation is more enriched and getting worse every year, the Arabs are too preoccupied with their own wars and conflicts and the Palestinian leaderships are busy squabbling over meaningless titles, money and hallow prestige.
While Yasser Arafat was holed up f in his office in Ramallah for years, until his suspicious death in November 2004, Abu Mazen is free to travel, as he is seen less like an opponent than as an ally. While Israel can, at times, be critical of Abbas' public discourse, in action, he rarely deviates far from the acceptable limits set by the Israeli government.
This is why Abbas is free and Marwan Barghouti is in jail.
Furthermore, as Jonathan Cook wrote, "Abbas is publicly supportive of the strikers, but in private he is said to want the protest over as quickly as possible." Reports revealed that he had urged Egypt's dictator el-Sissi to interced with the US and Israel to help... Who?
Mass mobilisation has always scared Abu Mazen and the PA. It is too dangerous for them, because popular action often challenges the established status quo and could hinder his Israeli-sanctioned rule over occupied Palestinians.
Many of Fatah supporters are unhappy with Abba's and his dealings with Donald Trump, whose solution of one state, two states, whichever "both parties like" is absolutely unreal and unfair.
Both sides are far from being equal powers. Israel has nuclear capabilities and on of the five most powerful army in the world.
Why then, should Palestinians be quiet?
Marwan Barghouthi, from his jail, called for unity against factionalism and Israeli occupation. And when he wrote "Rights are not bestowed by an oppressor," on the first day of the hunger strike, his message was directed at Abbas and his cronies, as much as it was directed at Israel.
Meanwhile, the large majority of Palestinians are suffering. They see no political horizon, they are getting poorer and jobs are harder to come by, the Israeli occupation is more enriched and getting worse every year, the Arabs are too preoccupied with their own wars and conflicts and the Palestinian leaderships are busy squabbling over meaningless titles, money and hallow prestige.
While Yasser Arafat was holed up f in his office in Ramallah for years, until his suspicious death in November 2004, Abu Mazen is free to travel, as he is seen less like an opponent than as an ally. While Israel can, at times, be critical of Abbas' public discourse, in action, he rarely deviates far from the acceptable limits set by the Israeli government.
This is why Abbas is free and Marwan Barghouti is in jail.
Furthermore, as Jonathan Cook wrote, "Abbas is publicly supportive of the strikers, but in private he is said to want the protest over as quickly as possible." Reports revealed that he had urged Egypt's dictator el-Sissi to interced with the US and Israel to help... Who?
Mass mobilisation has always scared Abu Mazen and the PA. It is too dangerous for them, because popular action often challenges the established status quo and could hinder his Israeli-sanctioned rule over occupied Palestinians.
Many of Fatah supporters are unhappy with Abba's and his dealings with Donald Trump, whose solution of one state, two states, whichever "both parties like" is absolutely unreal and unfair.
Both sides are far from being equal powers. Israel has nuclear capabilities and on of the five most powerful army in the world.
Why then, should Palestinians be quiet?
Marwan Barghouthi, from his jail, called for unity against factionalism and Israeli occupation. And when he wrote "Rights are not bestowed by an oppressor," on the first day of the hunger strike, his message was directed at Abbas and his cronies, as much as it was directed at Israel.
In the meantime, on the 25th day of Palestinians hunger strike, 11 May, Marwan Barghouthi
received a visit from the International Committee of the Red Cross on
Thursday; all legal and family visitshad been blocked since 17 April.And in Portugal, on 11 May, the Assembly of the Republic (Portuguese Parliament) aproved the text Movimento pelos Direitos do Povo Palestino e Pela Paz no Medio Oriente (MPPM) of solidarity with Palestinian hunger strikers.
Em Portugal, a Câmara Federal aprovou o texto Movimento pelos Direitos do Povo Palestino e Pela Paz no Medio Oriente (MPPM) de solidariedade com os prisioneiros políticos palestinos em greve de forme.
Hunger Strike, 2014
"Public Security Minister Gilad Erdan managed to surprise us again. He
descended even below his usual low level (“arson campaign,” “terror
attack at Umm al-Hiran”), and down there he drags along everyone who
like him takes pleasure in the trick. It’s crowded down there, with
Israelis who treat the Palestinian struggle for freedom like a series of
boxing matches in which we can always win by a knockout, so why worry
when we can brag?
Erdan knows his people. The prisoners’ strike failed to permeate Israeli society and create a minimal understanding of rights such as a phone call (monitored and listened in on) of a Palestinian prisoner with his family, and regular family visits.
This hunger strike, like its predecessors, didn’t rouse senior figures in university and college law faculties from the comfort of their positions. It didn’t make them remember that administrative detention as it is practiced in Israel – wholesale detention of unlimited duration without even the semblance of a military trial – is illegal. It didn’t stir sociologists, psychologists and psychiatrists (except for the usual suspects on the left) – to warn loudly about what breaking the strike would do, like the other Israeli acts of oppression, to the collective Israeli character and to each oppressor individually.
It’s doubtful that Israeli history teachers took advantage of the strike to teach about the struggles of other peoples, near and far, for freedom and independence, even when they involved violent, bloody acts (which are always a weak response to the bloody violence of the oppressor). That didn’t obliterate their just cause. Algeria, for example.
And this is the place to recall once again. The deputy head of the prison service is Ilan Malka, who headed the Givati Brigade in the assault on Gaza in 2009 and ordered missiles fired at a house full of civilians from the Samouni family. His soldiers themselves had ordered those civilians to gather in that house as a safe place and marched them to it. That assault alone killed 21 people − older people, women and children, fathers and young men just starting out in life. Many more were wounded, and all the rest continue to live in trauma.
It’s that cheap trick by Erdan and the prison service that shows how panicked they are by the strength of the strike. An almost unexpected strength, in fact, considering the deep internal Palestinian rifts. All the Israeli propaganda (hasbara) weapons against the strikers were to no avail. The strike became a unifying factor, even if only for a little while. And abroad as well, it provided another opportunity for solidarity campaigns in England, Scotland, Italy and France.
It obligated the Palestinian Authority to skirt the attempt, before it was too late, to lock it into “stopping salary payments to terrorists.” It extracted from Ismail Haniyeh and the other Hamas leaders declarations of support, even though the strike’s organizers are their rivals in Fatah. Even skeptics about the strike’s motives couldn’t but be amazed at the strikers’ determination.
For example, “transfers” from one prison to another. Every such transfer is physical and mental torture even when the prisoners are not on a hunger strike. The strikers are placed in isolation, their few personal belongings are taken from them. This severance from the world – even more than usual – can also break people. The complete cancellation of family visits is especially painful. High fines (that go to the treasury of the Jewish state) are imposed on the strikers. The families’ terrible worries about their sons only increase.
And so, a willingness to enter such a battle with a clear head is enough for a society to recognize its prisoners as heroes and the strike as another important political step on the road of a people thirsting for freedom."
Amira Hass, 10/05/17 in Haaretz
Erdan knows his people. The prisoners’ strike failed to permeate Israeli society and create a minimal understanding of rights such as a phone call (monitored and listened in on) of a Palestinian prisoner with his family, and regular family visits.
This hunger strike, like its predecessors, didn’t rouse senior figures in university and college law faculties from the comfort of their positions. It didn’t make them remember that administrative detention as it is practiced in Israel – wholesale detention of unlimited duration without even the semblance of a military trial – is illegal. It didn’t stir sociologists, psychologists and psychiatrists (except for the usual suspects on the left) – to warn loudly about what breaking the strike would do, like the other Israeli acts of oppression, to the collective Israeli character and to each oppressor individually.
It’s doubtful that Israeli history teachers took advantage of the strike to teach about the struggles of other peoples, near and far, for freedom and independence, even when they involved violent, bloody acts (which are always a weak response to the bloody violence of the oppressor). That didn’t obliterate their just cause. Algeria, for example.
And this is the place to recall once again. The deputy head of the prison service is Ilan Malka, who headed the Givati Brigade in the assault on Gaza in 2009 and ordered missiles fired at a house full of civilians from the Samouni family. His soldiers themselves had ordered those civilians to gather in that house as a safe place and marched them to it. That assault alone killed 21 people − older people, women and children, fathers and young men just starting out in life. Many more were wounded, and all the rest continue to live in trauma.
It’s that cheap trick by Erdan and the prison service that shows how panicked they are by the strength of the strike. An almost unexpected strength, in fact, considering the deep internal Palestinian rifts. All the Israeli propaganda (hasbara) weapons against the strikers were to no avail. The strike became a unifying factor, even if only for a little while. And abroad as well, it provided another opportunity for solidarity campaigns in England, Scotland, Italy and France.
It obligated the Palestinian Authority to skirt the attempt, before it was too late, to lock it into “stopping salary payments to terrorists.” It extracted from Ismail Haniyeh and the other Hamas leaders declarations of support, even though the strike’s organizers are their rivals in Fatah. Even skeptics about the strike’s motives couldn’t but be amazed at the strikers’ determination.
For example, “transfers” from one prison to another. Every such transfer is physical and mental torture even when the prisoners are not on a hunger strike. The strikers are placed in isolation, their few personal belongings are taken from them. This severance from the world – even more than usual – can also break people. The complete cancellation of family visits is especially painful. High fines (that go to the treasury of the Jewish state) are imposed on the strikers. The families’ terrible worries about their sons only increase.
And so, a willingness to enter such a battle with a clear head is enough for a society to recognize its prisoners as heroes and the strike as another important political step on the road of a people thirsting for freedom."
Amira Hass, 10/05/17 in Haaretz
Hoje, com centenas de palestinos em greve de fome por mais de três semanas, resolvi ceder a palavra a cinco palestinas; que elas defendam sua causa em verso e prosa com a paixão e a autoridade de sua nacionalidade. As poetisas Rafeef Ziadah, Farah Chamma, Hala Alyan - cidadãs da diáspora da Nakba; a ativista Ahed Tamini e a jornalistinha Jenna Jihad - resistentes na Palestina ocupada.
Talvez você entenda melhor alguns porquês da greve de fome que Marwan Barghouthi está liderando por Dignidade e Liberdade.
Today, I stand aside to let five brave Palestinian women/adolescent/child to tell their version of the Palestinian ordeal and resistance. The poets Rafeef Ziadah, Farah Chamma and Hala Alyan - citizens of the diaspora caused by the Nakba; the young activist Ahed Tamini and the little journalist Jenna Jihad.
They might help you better understand some reasons for the hunger strike for Dignity and Freedom that Marwan Barghouthi is leading.
Rafeef Ziadah
The Palestine I know
Passport
The Nationality
Atlas
I am No Palestinian
Hala Alyan
A adolescente Ahed Tamini revela a vida sob ocupação em sua cidade natal, Nabi Saleh, na Cisjordânia, onde o jovem Saba Abu Ubeid foi assassinado na semana passada.
Ahed é a prova viva que uma nova geração está pronta para resistir até ser livre.
Ahed Tamini reveals life under occupation in her village of Nabi Saleh in the West Bank, where young Saba Abu Ubeid was killed last week.
This video was screened as part of the FOSNA Living Resistance Tour when Ahed was effectively denied a travel visa to speak in person.
The
village of Nabi Saleh, the small palestinian village in the Ramallah and
al-Bireh district in the central West Bank has been part of the popular
resistance movement with each member of the community contributing to
it, including a 10-year-old girl Janna Jihad - Twitter.
The
members of the community have taken different roles in their struggle
against Israeli occupation, and the 9-year-old Jenna decided she would
make small news reports to cover the crimes of IDF soldiers.
Outra menina que se sobressai na região é a jornalistinha Jenna Jihad - Facebook, de duma maturidade incríveld para sua pouca idade - 10 anos - e uma determinação inabalável.
Changing subjects, as Hamas' political leadership changes, herewith a few things to know about Khaled Meshaal successor, Ismail Haniya, or Abu al Abed, as he is known in Palestine. Over the past two decades, Ismail has been a prominent figure in Palestinian struggle for statehood, autonomy and the end of a 70-year long Israeli occupation.
Ismail Haniya was born in 1963 in Gaza's Shati refugee camp and is father to 13 children. His oldest son's name is Abed, which is the reason for this monike 'Abu el Abed' or 'father of Abed'.
His parents were expelled from their home in Ashkelon, close to the Gaza Strip during the Nakba in 1948.
He attented a UN refugee school and graduated from the Islamic University of Gaza in 1987 with a BA in Arabic literature. He joigned the First Intifada at the beginning, that year.
Ismail was jailed several times because of his involvement in the Intifada and spent six months in Israeli prison in 1988, before he was expelled to Lebanon along with 400 Hamas members in 1989, only to return in 1993.
During his exile, Ismail became close to former Hamas leader Abdel Aziz al Rantisi, assassinated by an Israeli air strike in 2004.
Abu el Abed himself had survived an assassination attempt in 2003 when he served as an assistant to Hamas co-founder sheikh Ahmed Yassin, who guided him to prominence until his assassination by an Israeli helicopter missile strike on his car also in 2004.
In 2006, Haniya led Hamas in its initial participation and success in legislative elections, becoming Prime Minister of the Palestinian Authority (PA). He imediately made several high level international visits to Turkey, Egypt, Sudan, Qatar, Tunisia, Bahrain and Iran.
In 2009, he also met former US president Jimmy Carter in Gaza.
Ismail Haniya fell out with Mahmoud Abbas under pression of Israel and the US and refused to stepd down as prime ministar, taking over the PA's offices in the Gaza Strip after a long fratricide battle with Fatah members.
Before assuming his new position, Ismail Haniya was Khaled Mesgaal's deputy in Hama's politburo. He was in charge of Hamas' Gaza police forces, but he does not directly oversee his party armed wing, the Izz al din Qassam Brigade.
He is a moderate, is considered a more pragmatic voice than other leaders in his party and has stated that he would accept a Palestinian state in the West Bank, Gaza and East Jerusalem.
His biggest challenge will be to continue "softening" Hamas international image, that has been an obstacle since its 2006 electoral victory.
Political momentum was created for Ismail Haniya to fulfil his mission with Hamas' recently-announced charter which, refrains from controversial language, distances itself from the Muslim Brotherhood and recognises Palestinian statehood based upon the 1967 borders.
Ismail Haniya will be tasked with tough coices in the near future, as Israel's occupying forces keep their illegal ground, naval and air blockade of the Gaza Strip and Mahmoud Abbas is willing to negotiated a "peace" deal that damages Palestinian soveignity.
E para lembrar que a NAKBA de 1948 que continua até hoje.
Remembering the NAKBA: Lost cities of Palestine. An extraordinary insight into Palestinian city life before 1948 that reveals the loxx of a culture and lifestyle.
Também para lembrar a NAKBA, triste data que os palestinos marcam no dia 15 de maio, eis um documentário de Ayed Nabaa que conta a história de cinco mulheres nascidas em 1948. Duas israelenses e três palestinas. A história e o destino das duas filhas de imigrantes judeus e as três filhas de palestinos de dezenas de gerações são totalmente diferentes.
A opulência das primeiras e a Nakba das segundas, é impressionante.
The creation of the state of Israel in May 1948 is referred to by Palestinians as AL NAKBA, the Catastrophe. The five characters in this film below, two Israeli and three Palestinian women, were born in 1948. But few events in history have determined such sharply contrasting outcomes for people who might otherwise have much in common as the founding of Israel has.
For the Nakba continues today: "Every birthday I feel this catastrophe twice over", says a Palestinian.
Born in '48 explores how decades on, starkly contrasting narratives persist, with very little, if any, common ground between them. By Ayed Nabbaa.
Fort Apache: Debate em español sobre a ocupação da Palestina
Last but not least, two weeks ago Roger Waters was invited to speak at the New York Times forum on the occasion of his new tour/album. After an hour of musical discussion, a man in the audience asked Roger about his endorsement of Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) aimed at Israel– what is your end goal?– and about the artists’ letter to Radiohead appealing to the band not to play Israel in July.
The questions comes around 1:00:15
Essentially I was convinced that all of the people who live in that region should have rights. They should have property rights, they should have the right to their religion, and they should have rights to self-determination. All of them. So that’s all our Jewish friends who are in Israel, who live there, but also all our Palestinian and Arab friends who are living in the occupied territories and also in Israel. They should have equal rights. And that is my only beef. Just as all the people living in the United States of America should have equal rights, all of them, regardless of their color, creed, race or religion– that is what I want for the Palestinians.
“Nothing more, nothing less. I’m not trying to destroy Israel. I have nothing against Jewish people. They accuse me of being an anti-semite, because it’s the only way they can attack this position– which is the basic position of BDS.
“BDS goes further, they want the right to return of the refugees, who were kicked out of their homes by force in 1947 and 48 and again in 1967 after the ’67 war. I personally agree with that. I think that to be turfed out of where you have lived and where your family have lived for hundreds of years is wrong.”
Loud applause.
“So that’s it in a nutshell…
“I have engaged in a correspondence with some of Radiohead, and they seem to have decided that they’re going to go ahead and do a concert in Tel Aviv, so there’s very little more that I can say on the matter. They have to make up their own minds about what they decide to do with their lives and they have to go wherever their conscience lead them. So I’m not going to sit here and badmouth them or harangue them. My personal view is that there’s a valid and legitimate picket line that has been organized by BDS, and I would prefer it if colleagues in my business do not cross that picket line. But if people choose to, that is entirely a matter for them and their own consciences.”
More applause.
“One more (question). I hope it’s musical!” Pareles says.
Good for the Times for staging the Waters event, with the inevitable risk that he would come forth with such an eloquent statement, and folks would applaud him. Another sign of breakage. A lot of the comments at Youtube are pro-Israel, and scorbutic.
Now: Look at that letter Waters co-signed urging Radiohead to stay home. Look at the signatories. Geoff Dyer, Juliet Stevenson, James Schamus, Bella Freud, Mike Leigh, Eve Ensler, Julie Christie, Remi Kanazi, Desmond Tutu, Alice Walker and others. That is some collection of serious folks.
Israel’s New Cultural War of Aggression. . E.I.:France's Macron dumps parliamentary candidate after Israel lobby pressure. . Aida Qasim: A poem on the 25th day of the Palestinian prisoner hunger strike. . Lisa Goldman: Israeli sniper shoots dead unarmed Palestinian at West Bank demonstration. . Breaking the Silence: If you served in the army, you know: Breaking the Silence is telling the truth about the occupation. 
BRASIL - DIRETAS, JÁ!
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